The four interview-based case studies presented in this chapter reflect the stories and experiences of young people who have been working, within their communities across Iraq, to push for change in the country’s political process, economy and civil society.
This section introduces four persona-based case studies, each highlighting projects and initiatives by young Iraqis who are working to forge alternative futures and challenge and circumvent existing power structures. The case studies represent diverse manifestations of ‘constructive resistance’, collectively serving as a rallying point for the broader struggle of young Iraqis. This collective momentum embodies a force that has the potential to bring about substantial change.
The four case studies are presented as a distillation of the stories and experiences of young people who have been pushing for change within Iraq’s political process, economy and – by advocating for human rights, women’s rights or environmentalism – civil society. The personas are based on insights from 40 interviews, conducted by the author in person in Anbar, Baghdad, Basra, Erbil and Sulaimaniya, as well as by phone with young people in Dhi Qar, Misan, Muthanna, Najaf and Wasit governorates, between March and September 2023. Personal details have been changed to protect the identities of the interviewees.
Mustafa, from protests to politics
Mustafa, a political activist from Dhi Qar, in southern Iraq, has played a central role in post-Tishreen political activism. Born in the late 1990s, Mustafa has few memories of Iraq under Saddam Hussein but harbours significant grievances towards the current government. Despite his family’s reservations about political engagement, Mustafa’s desire to see a better future led him to become an activist. He has participated in numerous protests across Iraq since 2015, notably in Dhi Qar and Baghdad, and played an active role in mobilizing the mass October 2019 demonstrations in his home town. Reflecting on these experiences, Mustafa said: ‘It was only during these protests that I truly felt Iraqi – seeing everyone united, demanding dignity and equality.’ His sentiment echoes the slogan that resonated across Iraq in 2019: ‘We want a country.’
For many young protesters, Tishreen offered an alternative community, a substitute for the political and social infrastructure that the political elite was failing to provide.
‘Tishreen revolutionized my perspective; it illuminated the potential of Iraq and the energy of our youth,’ Mustafa said. His involvement at various protest sites across the country opened his eyes to the unity and resolve of Iraqi citizens: ‘These protests transcended mere demonstrations; they were a crucible for community-building.’ For many young protesters, Tishreen offered an alternative community, a substitute for the political and social infrastructure that the political elite was failing to provide. Mustafa recalled:
This shared experience profoundly impacted young people as they sought to understand and engage with the political landscape. Mustafa noted the emergence of libraries, discussion forums and events within the protest sites, all aimed at dissecting the political process and charting a path forward. These spaces became hubs for learning and activism, signalling the increasing involvement and engagement of young Iraqis in shaping their nation’s future.
Prior to 2019, many Iraqis had become increasingly disillusioned with the mainstream political parties that emerged after 2003 under the Muhasasa system – the country’s power-sharing arrangement based on ethno-sectarian identities. They viewed these ‘traditional’ parties as thriving on a system where political parties share national resources among themselves, for their own benefit and to the disadvantage of their constituents. In 2021, according to the findings of a survey conducted by the Arab Reform Initiative, more than 63 percent of young Iraqis thought that the political system as they experienced it was worse than before the US-led invasion in 2003. Moreover, in a 2022 survey conducted by Gallup, 63 per cent of respondents said that they lacked confidence in their national government, compared with 44 per cent in 2008.
The authorities violently dispersed Tishreen’s visible presence on the streets from 2019 through tactics of repression, co-option and demonization. However, they underestimated the movement’s influence on young people like Mustafa. As the Iraqi sociologist Faris Kamal Nadhmi had previously observed:
The discussions during the Tishreen protests sparked a new determination in Mustafa and his peers, fuelling a transition towards a more serious engagement in politics: ‘Our conversations evolved into deep analyses of optimal electoral systems, the governance structure of Iraq, the significance of decentralization, and strategies to curb corruption.’ These dialogues also laid the foundation for the demands articulated through the protests – some of which were achieved, including the resignation of the government, the revision of electoral laws and the scheduling of early elections.
Despite these relative successes, and even though a few ‘Tishreeni’ parties won seats in the 2021 parliamentary elections, Mustafa acknowledged the difficulties faced by the movement:
To illustrate this point, Mustafa gave several examples of Tishreeni MPs who ultimately became part of factions linked to the largest bloc in parliament, the Shiite Coordination Framework (SCF).
The creation of new parties has been just one way of working towards a new way of doing politics in Iraq. Recognizing the system’s resistance to change, and the control over state resources and connections to armed groups enjoyed by the country’s elites, Mustafa and his peers understand that winning seats at elections does not necessarily translate into governing power. In response, young political activists remain committed to educating themselves and their community, striving to develop and promote alternatives both within and outside the existing system.
While trying to support newly established political parties and raise awareness about the political process, Mustafa and his colleagues have also encountered internal challenges, primarily because they have limited resources – especially when compared with Iraq’s mainstream parties. The latter, having benefited from state resources, have built a strong client base by providing jobs and social security for their supporters. In contrast, newer political entities have struggled with their inexperience in political organization, leading to disagreements, coordination issues and other internal conflicts. This was evident as parties that emerged from the Tishreen protests experienced a decline in membership and support. One such example is is Imtidad, which won 16 seats in the 2021 elections but then quickly lost members and support.
At the same time as the Tishreen activists were grappling with these internal difficulties, the wider public’s expectations of what the protest movement could achieve remained high. Mustafa and his friends reflected:
Describing the harassment of young political activists by political elites or government institutions, Mustafa said: ‘Some of us received phone calls urging us to stop our social media posts, others were co-opted to work with them, and a few even faced judicial warrants.’ He joked: ‘Now, we post common but critical content on social media, then compete to see who gets harassed the most.’
Iraq’s ‘traditional’ parties have not hesitated to employ intimidation tactics and circumvent accountability mechanisms to target political adversaries. Mustafa said that he has personally been subject to threats from Iran-aligned groups, and even from Iraqi government officials, due to his opposition to Iran’s interference in the country’s affairs.
International organizations and policymakers have seen hope in Mustafa and his peers, viewing them as representatives of a younger generation of Iraqis with fresh perspectives. Eager to support and swiftly integrate newer political parties into the governance system, they have facilitated capacity-building training for groups established since Tishreen. Despite finding these sessions informative, Mustafa expressed scepticism about their applicability in Iraq, stating: ‘While the training on democracy and governance could be relevant in Europe, the dominance of Iraq’s political elite makes it challenging to implement these learnings here.’ He highlighted that these external training initiatives fell short of equipping new politicians and MPs to stand on an equal footing with the political establishment, especially since the political system has proved to be resistant to change through the insertion of new political actors alone. In Mustafa’s view:
Recognizing that holding seats in parliament is insufficient in itself, Mustafa and his fellow activists are re-evaluating their approach to pushing for change, including through a shift in focus towards more grassroots politics. Mustafa acknowledged:
Activists like Mustafa have adopted the motto ‘consciousness leads’ (الوعي قائد – alwaey qayid), reflecting their commitment to fostering political consciousness across Iraq. They work with various institutions across a number of governorates, emphasizing the critical need for accountability, political and economic reform, and the preservation of freedom of expression at a time of deepening restrictions. Mustafa actively participates in media discussions where he emphasizes the importance of tackling politically sanctioned corruption and impunity. With his peers, he is preparing a new cohort of political candidates for upcoming elections, campaigning against the continued crackdown on free speech, and opposing restrictive proposed laws and the arrests of fellow activists.
Mustafa and his colleagues are determined to work collaboratively to improve the existing political framework. He aims to be part of a robust accountability system that actively reduces the impact of politically sanctioned corruption by working with a wide network of partners – including reformist bureaucrats, legal experts, media institutions and civil society. By pushing for the inclusion of additional reformist candidates in the political process, Mustafa’s ambition is not only to inspire others to follow suit, but also to initiate change from within the system itself. He and his peers are challenging the status quo and raising awareness by engaging with formal politics, particularly through collaboration with reformists within the system who can offer support or protection. In this way, activists like Mustafa are no longer just confronting the political system on the streets; instead, they are working towards creating solutions by initiating constructive forms of resistance.
Leyla’s journey as an entrepreneur
Leyla, from Sulaimaniya in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), is an entrepreneur with a small business selling handmade goods that reflect the rich heritage of Iraq and Kurdistan. She has been actively engaged in Iraq’s entrepreneur community for the past six years, contributing to the growth and innovation within the sector by building her own business and sharing knowledge and experience within the network. A computer science graduate from the University of Sulaimani, Leyla – like many graduates in the KRI and across Iraq – felt under pressure, both from her family and from wider society, to get a job in the public sector. She said that her parents had even identified a relative who could secure a position for her in return for a payment of some 10 million Iraqi dinars (around $7,500). Leyla and her contemporaries noted that such payments are widespread across Iraq. Although it is illegal for public officials to accept bribes, some still take advantage of limited transparency as to how public sector jobs are allocated, taking payments to facilitate employment. However, Leyla was determined to take a different career path, particularly after seeing protests in both Baghdad and Sulaimaniya where young people were variously demanding better services and working conditions, the prompt payment of salaries, and stronger measures to root out corruption. As Leyla put it:
While the Tishreen protests didn’t extend to the KRI, Leyla stayed connected with her friends in the south, supporting them and sharing insights and lessons from past protests in Sulaimaniya. Tishreen was fuelled by young Iraqis who wanted better economic opportunities, especially since, at the time of the protests, the government could not resort to its habitual response to the problem of youth unemployment – expanding the public sector – due to Iraq’s worsening economic situation.
Aware of the stark realities of the jobs market, with hundreds of thousands of young Iraqis competing for limited opportunities, and the government apparently unprepared to address recent graduates’ needs, Leyla thought about leaving the KRI. She contemplated a future in the UK, attracted by the prospect of further education and career opportunities, and an improved quality of life. However, she was acutely aware of the challenges such a move entailed, particularly for a young Kurdish woman.
To boost her chances of building a successful career, Leyla actively sought to enhance her proficiency in English as well as her ‘soft’ skills. To do this, she joined training courses and seminars, either in person or online via platforms like YouTube and educational websites. These activities brought her into contact with a vibrant community of like-minded young people, all keen to work together to develop creative solutions to strengthen the economy and redefine the trajectory of their country.
Wanting to showcase her culture, and with the support of this active community of young people, Leyla launched an Instagram account to promote her small business. She explained: ‘I realized there was a lack of culturally representative gifts for people to take abroad, showcasing the beauty of our country.’
During the Tishreen uprising, Leyla was inspired by the enthusiasm among young Iraqis for Iraqi-made products and businesses. Activists launched campaigns with slogans like ‘Made in Iraq’ and, more provocatively, ‘Let it Rot’ (خليها تخيس – Khaleiha Tkhees – encouraging a boycott of Iranian goods), which gained significant influence across Iraq. Such campaigns underscored the underlying issue, in the eyes of many young Iraqis, of the extent of foreign interference in their country’s affairs. In particular, many young people spoke out against Iran’s involvement in Iraqi politics, and decried what they saw as an influx of low-quality Iranian products.
Despite her ambition, Leyla had substantial difficulty in securing financial support for her business. Her attempts to secure a loan from banks or government institutions were impeded by a mix of unclear procedures, red tape and, at times, corruption. Eventually, she resorted to using her savings and a family loan to fund her venture. Acknowledging her advantageous position, Leyla reflected:
Young entrepreneurs in Iraq find that red tape, rather than explicit red lines, poses a significant challenge to setting up a business. While such obstacles are common in many countries, the extent of the bureaucracy manifests in a specific way in Iraq, sometimes serving as a mechanism for elites to further their own interests. Bureaucratic processes are often chaotic and lacking in clarity, which can hinder business operations and make it difficult for new entrants to navigate the system effectively.
While red tape is common in many countries, the extent of the bureaucracy manifests in a specific way in Iraq, sometimes serving as a mechanism for elites to further their own interests.
Leyla considered formally registering her business as her customer base grew, but she struggled at first with the bureaucracy this entailed. Parts of the process became easier once the KRI government introduced new measures to streamline business registration, although Leyla pointed out that the path to establishing and growing a business in the KRI remains difficult, reflecting the lack of a start-up culture as well as widespread corruption. Her counterparts in Baghdad and Basra have encountered challenges similar to – and sometimes more severe than – Leyla’s. In those cities, problems of corruption and bureaucracy have significantly complicated the efforts of people looking to start their own business.
Leyla’s opinion of Iraq’s recently introduced Riyada programme – set up by the prime minister’s office to nurture young entrepreneurs through the provision of training and small loans to selected projects – was mixed. She recognized the initiative’s potential, but remained sceptical: ‘Such programmes, though well intentioned, won’t yield the desired outcomes unless we confront and resolve the fundamental barriers to private sector growth in Iraq – namely, pervasive corruption and excessive red tape.’
Leyla also reflected on the impact of international projects designed to promote private sector growth in Iraq. Notably, she appreciated the crucial support and knowledge such schemes offered:
However, she pointed to the systemic impediments within Iraq that can undermine the gains from external support:
For Leyla, entrepreneurship is about more than pure financial gain. She views her business as part of a broader mission within her community: ‘I’ve found more than a business here; it’s a space of mutual growth, learning and support.’ But despite the support that she gets from fellow entrepreneurs and like-minded groups both locally and nationally, Leyla is well aware of the harsh realities faced by many entrepreneurs in Iraq. Demands for bribes are commonplace, and political connections are needed to help navigate the system.
Leyla understands that there can be ethical dilemmas for people looking to expand their businesses – including the temptation to engage in bribery, enter into dubious but politically expedient alliances, or otherwise take a risk and confront intimidation. In one particularly telling experience:
Iraq’s young entrepreneurs are trying to play their part in advocating for the economic reforms demanded as part of the Tishreen uprising. They have been doing this through setting up organizations, meeting with officials and publishing evidence-based research to support their calls for reforms. But fundamental changes are needed to tackle an oversized public sector, and a private sector under the sway of political elites and often marred by nepotism. Without such changes, young people will continue to face significant barriers in their careers, and a burgeoning group of young entrepreneurs will struggle to find their footing in a system that seems stacked against them.
Fundamental changes are needed to tackle an oversized public sector, and a private sector under the sway of political elites and often marred by nepotism. Without such changes, young people will continue to face significant barriers in their careers.
It is important to acknowledge, meanwhile, that some entrepreneurs are willing to draw on their connections to the country’s political elite to establish and expand businesses in the private sector. Where this involves financial support, a significant injection of capital might go some way towards getting a particular business off the ground, but there are concerns about the uneven playing field this perpetuates. As Leyla put it: ‘I know that there is always competition within businesses, but it feels like there are certain people who can overcome bureaucracy and corruption very easily, and within a few months they have a fully developed business.’ Her remark points to a broader issue: enterprises backed by political affiliates and certain influential business figures in Iraq tend to flourish, giving rise to concerns about unfair advantages and potential monopolies in some sectors.
Leyla sees herself as part of a transformative wave aiming to enhance livelihoods through economic development. She understands the necessity of a collaborative, multi-stakeholder approach, involving a government fully willing to promote job creation, investors on the lookout for viable business opportunities, and a vibrant youth population eager for employment in a country brimming with potential. She emphasized the significance of collective effort, stating:
For independent entrepreneurs like Leyla, everyday politics and constructive resistance mean challenging the traditional expectation of public sector employment in Iraq. Aware that relying on jobs in the public sector is not a sustainable solution, they are actively seeking alternatives through entrepreneurship. Leyla and her peers hope that their efforts contribute to developing a foundation for the private sector in Iraq that will in turn enable more diversified economic opportunities.
Sarah’s mission to advance women’s rights
Sarah is a human rights activist who has been working with a women’s rights NGO for a number of years. A native of Baghdad, Sarah has long been an advocate for equality and justice, initially while still at school and then throughout her university career. Her journey has not been without personal challenges. She was abused by a distant family member when she was a child. When she confided in her mother, she was advised to remain silent, to avoid drawing attention to herself or to the family, and to hope the abuse would not happen again. Reflecting on this, Sarah said:
As she grew older, Sarah found her voice and gained awareness of her rights. She has channelled her experience to become a force for change, and is proactively involved in campaigns aimed at combating harassment of women and girls in Iraq, advocating for robust legal frameworks and striving for societal equality. She remarked:
Having weighed up her options between trying for a career in politics or engaging more deeply in civil society, Sarah eventually chose the latter, recognizing the formidable challenges facing women in political life in Iraq:
Even so, she has not ruled out a transition into politics in the future, and is building useful networks through her advocacy work:
As she started out, Sarah connected with others who shared her vision for change. Meeting fellow activists in advocacy campaigns and protests propelled her into a community committed to championing human rights and women’s rights. This marked the beginning of her journey as an advocate, driven by her resolve to transform personal hardship into collective action for a more just society. She is seemingly not alone in this ambition: a national youth and adolescent survey found that more than 80 per cent of young Iraqis want to see gender equality.
Sarah aligned herself with an organization that was deeply involved in women’s rights and legislative advocacy, contributing to key campaigns to defend freedom of expression, human rights and women’s rights. A significant focus was advocacy for an anti-domestic violence law – a movement met with strong resistance from Islamist political parties intent on preserving patriarchal norms. Sarah and her colleagues in women’s NGOs demonstrated remarkable resilience in the face of such opposition: ‘Through concerted efforts, we blocked regressive legislation, including the controversial Jaffari law, which would have permitted the legal marriage of girls as young as nine.’
The struggle goes on, however, as restrictions on women’s rights deepen in Iraq – especially after Tishreen – with the government and armed groups attempting to suppress women’s increased participation in politics and society. Recent campaigns against use of the term ‘gender’ in public communications (including traditional and social media) reveal an effort to suppress discourse around women’s rights, resulting in scrutiny and harassment of women’s rights activists. According to Sarah and her peers, state interference extends to financial control, project approval and monitoring of organizations, placing unwarranted pressure on civil society.
The struggle goes on, as restrictions on women’s rights deepen in Iraq – especially after Tishreen – with the government and armed groups attempting to suppress women’s increased participation in politics and society.
The work of many of Iraq’s civil society organizations, particularly those focusing on human rights and women’s rights, is supported by international funding. While this financial assistance has been crucial for sustaining entities like the one Sarah is involved with, it has not been without its drawbacks. Sarah pointed out the complexities involved, observing: ‘Some organizations undertake activities that aren’t seen as urgent simply because they align with the donors’ stipulations.’ Her remarks refer to capacity-building programmes where the same groups of people participate in multiple training sessions even when these have little or no relevance to their work. Sarah also noted that competition for funding among organizations can at times hinder collaboration on projects, leading to inefficiency. In her view, there are two types of civil society activists in Iraq: ‘There are those genuinely committed to driving change, and those primarily looking to benefit personally from the available funding.’
Sarah’s NGO has suffered severe setbacks since being blacklisted from working with universities (both public and private) and other official institutions. She described the mounting challenges for her organization, as well as the personal impact of the clampdown – including on her own safety:
Women in southern Iraq face even graver risks, as was starkly highlighted by the assassination of Reham Yaacoub in Basra in 2020. Prior to her murder, Yaacoub, a medical doctor and prominent social entrepreneur who ran a women’s gym in the city, had been subject to harassment as militias orchestrated misinformation and disinformation campaigns against her, falsely associating her with political involvement with the US consulate in Basra. Sarah had herself escaped an assassination attempt while carrying out work with an international organization in southern Iraq.
In response to the mounting pressures and risks, Sarah and her colleagues had to rework their strategies and scale back operations. The proliferation of misinformation campaigns, the surge of populist rhetoric in political discourse, and the misuse of state apparatus to suppress dissent have significantly hampered their ability to function openly. Sarah explained:
These remarks underscore the critical need for solidarity and support in the fight for women’s rights in Iraq. As Sarah put it: ‘It’s crucial for both the international community and Iraqis to rally behind locally driven initiatives that champion women’s rights and counteract the misinformation campaigns targeting women’s rights defenders.’
Ahmed and the fight for the environment
Ahmed, a lawyer from Basra, in southern Iraq, is an environmental activist. He now spends much of his time learning about, raising awareness of, and advocating for climate and environmental issues facing his city and country. Iraq is under immense threat from climate change, a reality not lost on the country’s youth. Rivers and lakes are drying up, rural communities are experiencing severe droughts, and the impacts of increasing dust storms and intense heat loom large, with temperatures soaring above 50°C annually.
Ahmed is determined to do all he can to understand and mitigate the environmental crisis gripping his region. As environmental degradation deepens, he is informing himself about climate change and examining the government’s actions – or lack of action – in addressing the challenges and risks:
Ahmed joined a group of volunteers dedicated to raising environmental awareness, using social media platforms to document degradation and initiating online campaigns to protect vital resources like rivers and marshes from pollution and depletion.
He is well aware of the influence of the Tishreen protests and previous mass demonstrations on the strategies now being used by environmental activists, stating: ‘The protests taught us that we deserve and could achieve our rights, and we installed this idea in the minds of future generations.’ Pointing to a friend sitting next to him, he added:
Along with his peers, Ahmed actively lobbies and engages with government officials to ensure that key environmental legislation is implemented and that new measures introduced by the government do not do further damage to the environment. Most recently, he has been part of ongoing work to amend Iraq’s 2009 law on the protection and improvement of the environment, in an effort to ensure it responds more effectively to the growing threats that the country faces due to climate change.
Ahmed is also part of a newly formed network of civil society actors, academics and activists in Basra who share the goal of improving and protecting the local environment. This network has created a sense of community and support for Ahmed and his peers. It functions both as a means of coordinating the activities of its members, and as a form of protection for all those working on climate and the environment by demonstrating to the Iraqi authorities that climate activism is a shared endeavour. As Ahmed described it:
While environmental activism is often perceived to be ‘safer’ than political activism, it is increasingly coming under scrutiny, potentially putting activists like Ahmed at risk. In early 2023, for instance, Jassim Al-Asadi, director of the environmental protection NGO Nature Iraq, was reported to have been abducted and detained by an unknown armed group. After his release, more than two weeks later, Al-Asadi described having been tortured and interrogated by his captors.
One of the principal challenges relates to the substantial resources required for the work of environmental activists to have meaningful impact. Collaboration with government and local authorities is vital, yet a significant barrier exists in the form of political apathy and lack of political will. In the experience of one former minister: ‘Environmental concerns are often sidelined or entirely neglected by political leaders preoccupied with other priorities such as political manoeuvring, security and economic issues.’
Additionally, in Ahmed’s experience: ‘The political elite’s focus on immediate profits often leads to negligence towards environmental repercussions and public welfare.’ A stark example is the water crisis in Basra. Despite the availability of financial resources and expertise and despite past initiatives aimed at improving the water system, corruption and neglect have thwarted progress over the past two decades. For residents, the consequences of poor access to clean water are severe. In 2018, for example, large protests erupted in the city after more than 100,000 people – among them Ahmed and other members of his family – needed hospital treatment after being poisoned by contaminated water.
In recent years, there has been a surge of initiatives aimed at addressing climate and environmental issues in Iraq, many bolstered by international support. However, Ahmed said that a lack of coordination across these projects has been a serious flaw. As he saw it: ‘This disorganization has not only led to confusion within civil society, but has also fragmented efforts, diminishing their overall impact.’
The disjointed landscape has fostered a rivalrous rather than collaborative environment among environmental activists; as they compete for funding, they inadvertently work against each other’s interests.
Ahmed stressed the critical need to establish a robust accountability system for environmental policies. The absence of such a framework has historically allowed institutions to evade responsibility for environmental protection and sustainability. Ahmed highlighted the vital role of youth and civil society in bridging this accountability gap, emphasizing that activists, supported by the international community, have the power to advocate for and enforce comprehensive environmental policies. This collaborative push is essential not only for improving the present living conditions of Iraqis, but also to ensure a sustainable and prosperous future for the country’s young people.
