Keir Starmer speech

Bronwen Maddox

[Applause] Good morning, everyone. Very warm welcome to Chatham House, or, as everyone has been saying for security reasons, an undisclosed London location. I’m Bronwen Maddox, Director of Chatham House, and I’m really delighted to welcome this morning Sir Keir Starmer, Leader of the Opposition and of the Labour Party since 2020, MP for Holborn and St Pancras since 2015. He’s here to give a short speech on the Middle East, and then we’ll be taking questions on that subject, that subject that is consuming the world’s attention. Given the pressure of interest in this I hope you will forgive us, and indeed him, that the questions will be taken from the media only.

We’re now three weeks after the horrendous attacks by Hamas on Israel, and the shock has not faded. Indeed, more than a few voices of warning of the risk of escalation to a conflict of the region, something we discuss at Chatham House, but the strong support for Israel on many sides is mixed with growing concern about the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza and the implications for Palestinian civilians of Israel’s pursuit of Hamas, and Israel’s tactics are complicated in turn by consideration of the hostages held by Hamas.

Some hold out hopes that this conflict will force all sides to address once again a two-state solution, a separate land for the Palestinians, alongside Israel, others think that’s gone forever. Again, one of the debates we bring together here. And across the world this is proving a singularly divisive conflict as we’ve seen in many, many countries, including the US, right across Europe, and indeed in British politics. It’s no doubt part of what Keir Starmer is going to address this morning, but I look forward to hearing what he thinks Britain can and should do to help, what he thinks should be done about this conflict, and indeed, what he would do were he Prime Minister. With that, welcome, Sir Keir Starmer [applause].

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Thank you, Bronwen, and thank you all for coming here this morning, and thank you to Chatham House for hosting, and for your resolute commitment to dialogue on this issue. An issue that so many people recoil from out of despair, a despair that, in the last three weeks, has arguably reached new depths. Indeed, anyone who has followed this closely and seen images that can never be unseen, tiny bodies wrapped in bundles in Israel and Gaza. Mothers and fathers shattered by the ultimate grief, the innocent dead, Israeli, Palestinian, Muslim, Jew.

It’s a tragedy where the facts on the ground are changing by the minute, but where the consequences will last for decades, and the trauma might never fade. A crisis where the search for solutions is shrouded not just by the fog of war, but by an ever-darkening cloud of misinformation, but nonetheless, we must do what we can, and we must explain what we do. Democratic accountability matters, particularly in light of the rising temperature on British streets. Our efforts must respond to the two immediate tragedies.

To the 7 October, the biggest slaughter of Jews, and that is why they were killed, do not doubt that, since the Holocaust. Men, women, children, babies, murdered, mutilated, and tortured by the terrorists of Hamas. Over 200 hostages, including British citizens, taken back into Gaza. Make no mistake, this is terrorism on a scale and brutality that few countries have ever experienced, certainly not this one, and that is an immutable fact that must drive our response to these events. As must the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, which again plays out on a previously unimaginable scale. Thousands of innocent Palestinians dead, displaced, desperate for food and water, reduced to drinking contaminated filth, hiding out in hospitals for shelter, whilst in those same buildings babies lie in incubators that could turn off at any moment.

At every stage during this crisis my approach has been driven by the need to respond to both these tragedies. To stand by the right to self-defence of any nation which suffers terrorism on this scale, alongside the basic human rights of innocent Palestinians caught once again in the crossfire. To focus at every stage on the practical steps that might make a material difference on the ground, in the short-term, on the humanitarian conditions in Gaza, and the efforts by Israel to rescue her hostages. But in the future also to the hope that I know still burns brightly for those who want peace.

The two-state solution: an Israel where every citizen enjoys the security they need, and a viable Palestinian state where the Palestinian people and their children enjoy the freedoms and opportunities that we all take for granted. And that is why, while I understand calls for a ceasefire at this stage, I do not believe that it is the correct position now, for two reasons.

One, because a ceasefire always freezes any conflict in the state where it currently lies. And as we speak, that would leave Hamas with the infrastructure and the capability to carry out the sort of attack we saw on 7 October, attacks that are still ongoing. Hostages, who should be released, still held. Hamas would be emboldened and start preparing for future violence immediately.

And it is this context which explains my second reason, which is that our current calls for pauses in the fighting for clear and specific humanitarian purposes, and which must start immediately, is right in practice as well as principle. In fact, it is at this moment the only credible approach that has any chance of achieving what we all want to see in Gaza. The urgent alleviation of Palestinian suffering, aid distributed quickly, space to get hostages out. That is why it’s also the position shared by our major allies in the US and the EU, and I urge all parties to heed its call.

Over time, the facts on the ground will inevitably change in relation to both hostages being rescued, and Hamas’s capability to carry out attacks like we saw on 7 October. And we must move to cessation of fighting as quickly as possible, because the reality is that neither the long-term security of Israel nor long-term justice for Palestine can be delivered by bombs and bullets. Open-ended military action, action without a clear and desired political outcome, is ultimately futile. This needs to begin now, because a political agreement, however unlikely that seems today, however painful the first steps are to take, is the only way to resolve this conflict once and for all. That is why our position and our counsel has always been that Israel must submit to the rules of international law. The right to self-defence is fundamental, but it’s not a blank cheque. The supply of basic utilities like water, medicines, electricity, and yes, fuel to civilians in Gaza, cannot be blocked by Israel. Every life matters, so every step must be taken to protect civilians from bombardment.

Palestinians should not be forced to leave their homes en masse, but where they have no choice but to flee within Gaza, we need crystal clear guarantees that they will be able to return quickly. You cannot overstate the importance of this last point. In conflicts like this the most painful blows are those that land on the bruises of history, and for Palestinians the threat of displacement sends a shiver down the spine. It must be disavowed urgently, clearly, and by all, because while it may feel like a truism, so often the trauma of the present leads directly to the tragedy of the future.

Hamas know this. They knew Israel would have to respond. Their aim on 7 October was not just to kill Jews, it was to bring death upon their fellow Muslims in Gaza. A plan written in blood to isolate Israel from the West, destroy its improving relations with other Arab nations, and ultimately provoke wider regional conflicts across the Middle East. That threat remains real, and I echo President Biden’s sage advice to Israel, to understand in its own interests why a whirlwind of understandable emotion and rage must not blind it to the fact that it is Hamas it must target, Hamas that is the enemy, Hamas brutality that must be prevented, and not the Palestinian people, who must be protected.

So, I say again, we have to get many more aid trucks across the Rafah crossing. We have to get food, water, electricity, medicine and fuel into Gaza. We have to preserve innocent lives. Hospitals must not be protect – must be protected and cannot become targets. Across the West we’ve been calling for this for weeks, but it hasn’t happened. The siege conditions haven’t lifted. That’s unacceptable, and it cannot continue. The risk of regional escalation is real, and it must be prevented, and this is why millions of people across our country are rightly concerned, concerned as well about the impact this is having on communities here in Britain.

There are some who want us divided, but our approach to multiculturalism is envied around the globe. Jews, Christians and Muslims live side-by-side, and this is so ordinary, it’s barely remarked upon. Interfaith marriages are common; people celebrate each other’s traditions and festivals as naturally as they do their own. The freedom of religious expression is uncontroversial. We don’t stop often enough to reflect on how unusual this is. How Britain’s modern diverse democracy is an existential challenge to people all around the world who say this cannot be done. Something we’ve worked hard for through the generations, and that at moments like this we have a responsibility to fight for.

We cannot have a Britian where Jewish businesses are attacked, Jewish schools marked with red paint, Jewish families hiding who they are. We cannot have a Britain where Muslim women feel scared to take public transport, mosques are attacked, Palestinian restaurants receive death threats. No, this isn’t our Britain, and in the Labour Party we will have to reach out to communities under pressure and show them the respect and empathy they deserve as a fundamental British right. But ultimately the gravest ramifications of failure will of course be felt in the Middle East itself.

For too long the international community has put the Israeli/Palestinian conflict into the too-difficult box. There’s no recent equivalent of anything like the concerted push for peace we saw in the 1990s and the early 2000s. No, what has happened is we have continually paid lip service to a two-state solution, because it’s easier, convenient perhaps, to look away. To look away from Gaza, knowing it is controlled by those who want to kill Jews and wipe Israel off the map. To look away from Israel, knowing people live without the security which they deserve. To look away from the West Bank, knowing more settlements are being built against international law.

Now, I don’t say any of this to start a new round of arguments or handwringing. Instead, this must be a time for a new resolve, a renewed push, from all parties, to find a way to peace. It will mean engaging with our Arab partners, working urgently on viable plans for a Palestine free from the terrorism of Hamas. It will mean engaging with Israel, seeking to address its security concerns in the future, but showing clearly that the settlement-building is unacceptable, unlawful, and has to stop. The Palestinian people need to know there is a genuine will and determination from Israel, from Arab states, from the West, to finally address their plight in deeds, as well as words, because the Palestinian claim to statehood is not in the gift of a neighbour. It is inalienable right of the Palestinian people, and the clear logic of any call for a two-state solution.

So, my Labour Party will fight for that cause. We will work with international partners towards the recognition of a Palestinian state as part of a negotiated, just and lasting peace, because even in the darkest days, in fact, especially in the darkest days, we have to keep alive the light of peace, fight despite the horror of the present, for the fragile hope of the future, focusing always on the difference we can make. This is an old conflict, but it is not, and never has been, an issue that will be solved by the black and white simplicity of unbending conviction. Rather, the colour of peace, always in conflict resolution, is grey, and in the coming days and months we must do everything we can to fight for it. Thank you very much [applause].

Bronwen Maddox

Keir Starmer, thank you very much, indeed, for that. Let me just kick off by asking a couple of questions on this vision you’ve set out, and the first question is what you think Britain can do itself, what influence it still has. You’ve called – you made a very direct call there for international progress towards a two-state solution, reviving what some people, as I said before, think has long gone. What is it that Britain can do, and what, if you were in Number 10 at the moment, would you do?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Well, thank you for that question. I think we’ve got to look at the short-term, the here and now, and that is undoubtedly the urgent question of humanitarian aid. You’ve only got to see the images on our screens of innocent civilians suffering, dying, hospitals unable to cope, to know that we have to urgently address that issue, and we have to pull together. We have to make that case for humanitarian pauses to allow that aid to get in. It is urgent, it was urgent last week and the week before, this humanitarian crisis has been going on for a very, very long time. So, that’s the immediate, and to allow and argue for the release of the hostages. They should not have been taken, they should not be held, and Hamas should release them immediately. And so, they’re the two immediate things that we have to address.

But I think Britain also has to address the longer term, because – and I know some people will say, “Look, in the current context, it’s impossible to even think about a two-state solution.” I don’t accept that. I think that because of the desperation of the situation we’re in, we have to start the discussion about a two-state solution. I think that looking away in the last ten, arguably 20 years, has been a dereliction of responsibility, and we have to take up that responsibility and we have to take it up now. So, that’s what I would be concentrating on if we were in government now.

Bronwen Maddox

And by that, you mean taking that to Israel, making those points to Israel, and perhaps to Qatar, which is negotiating with Hamas?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Yes, to all – I mean to allies, to partners, across the Middle East, to the US, this has to be a concerted effort. I think too many people have looked away and simply said, “It’s too difficult,” knowing what’s been going on in Gaza, what’s been going on in the West Bank, they’ve looked away. We cannot justify that any longer.

Bronwen Maddox

Thank you for that. Let me ask one more. You’re a Lawyer of legal background, not intending that to be a controversial statement, and from what you’ve described of Israel’s actions at the moment in its justified pursuit of Hamas, do you think it’s acting within international law?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

It has to act in accordance with international law. This is not an optional extra, a nice-to-have. It has to be in accordance with international law, and that is a point that we have repeatedly pressed on Israel and other countries have pressed on Israel, it has to act in accordance with the law. As to whether each and every act is in accordance with the law, well, that will have to be adjudicated in due course. I think it’s unwise for Politicians to stand on stages like this, or to sit in television studios, and pronounce, day-by-day, which acts may or may not be in accordance with international law. I think it’s not the role of Politicians, I don’t think it’s wise to do it.

I come with the benefit of a Lawyer of having litigated about issues like this in the past, and in my experience, it often takes weeks or months to assimilate the evidence and to then work out whether there may or may not have been a breach of international law. So, I think the call for Politicians to look at half a picture on the screen, without the full information, and form an instant judgement as to whether it’s this side of the line or the other side of the line, is extremely unwise and I’m not going to get involved in that kind of exercise. Thank you.

Bronwen Maddox

Thank you for that. I could ask you a follow-up, but that would take us into the question of international law itself and why Israel has to do that. Instead, I’m going to release you to ask and pick your own questions from the…

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Released to the media.

Bronwen Maddox

Release you to the media, and I will come up again at the end.

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

And – thank you very much, Bronwen, and I’ll go straight to the media. I’ve got a list, I think, of all those that want to ask a question and I’ll try and get through just as many as I possibly can. I think first we’ve got Vicki Young at the BBC.

Vicki Young

Thank you very much. In about a year’s time you are hoping to be Prime Minister. If that happens, will you allow your own Ministers to undermine your authority and publicly disagree with you on the most important issues of the day?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Look, collective responsibility is really important, there’s no doubt about that, as is unity, and what is really important in answering this question and addressing this point is to understand what is driving people at the moment. I think it’s impossible for anyone to see the suffering that we’re seeing in Gaza and not feel compelled to try to do something about it, and that’s why I said in my short speech that I understand why people are asking for a ceasefire, but equally, I do not think that a ceasefire now is the right way forward, for the reasons I set out.

So, there is unity here. I’m obviously engaging with my frontbenchers, but there is unity in we want to – what we want to see, which is the alleviation of the awful situation in Gaza. It is for me to address collective responsibility, I recognise that, that is my duty. It matters, and I take that duty extremely seriously, but I do it in the context of understanding what is driving people in the call for a ceasefire, which is in my judgement, not the call that we should be making as things stand, for the reasons I set out. Thank you, Vicki. Anushka, ITV?

Anushka Asthana

Keir Starmer, the reason that dozens of Labour MPs are urging you to call for a ceasefire is because over 3,000 children are dead. Because you haven’t done that today, we know that shadow Ministers are considering resigning, the Mayors of London and Manchester disagree with you. The Leader Labour in Scotland says that you have “hurt Muslim communities.” How on earth are you going to bring your party back from this level of division?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Well, we’ve all seen those images of children dead, and there’s no unseeing those images, and I think it’s really important to understand that. For the reasons I set out, notwithstanding that I do understand why some are calling for a ceasefire, I do not think that that is the right call now, because it does freeze the situation as it currently is. And if we freeze the situation as it currently is, that means that Hamas is left with the capability to carry on with the sort of attacks it carried out on the 7 October, and is continuing to carry out. It is still attacking and, of course, it is holding 200-plus hostages. You cannot freeze that situation without effectively denying a sovereign state its self-defence.

But allied to that, and to alleviate the thing that is driving others to argue for a ceasefire, the humanitarian pauses to allow aid in are the practical, workable, viable solution that could be implemented realistically in the near future to allow that to happen. So, for both of those reasons my strong argument is that a ceasefire is not right now, because it freezes the situation. Humanitarian pauses allow for an alleviation of the awful situation on the ground. Thank you, Anushka. I’ve got Paul from Channel 4.

Paul McNamara

Thank you, Sir Keir. We’ve seen untold death and destruction in Gaza, thousands of children lost their lives. The UN Agency for Palestinian Refugees lost 63 of their staff members since 7 October, that’s 63 UN workers dead since 7 October. Are you saying that Israel’s actions in Gaza at the moment are justifiable, and if so, where do you draw the line, Keir Starmer?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Well, firstly, in relation to your description of the aid workers and NGOs, Lisa Nandy and I met some of the NGOs just days ago and they described to us the conditions in which they are trying to work, they described to us staff members who had lost members of their family, one staff member searching through the rubble in Gaza to try to find his 13-year-old niece, who was dead. And I have a 12-year-old girl and you can’t be unmoved by those stories. The question is not how awful is that? ‘Cause it is truly awful. The question is what is the most practical way to do something about it, and that’s why I said in my speech I’ve been driven by the response to the 7 October tragedy, and to the humanitarian tragedy, but also bearing in mind what is practical that will make a material difference on the ground. And I think it’s humanitarian pauses, particularly with other countries, allied countries, the US, etc., making that similar call, they are the practical way to achieve that.

So, I’m not quarrelling with the need to address that. I am saying what is the best way, the right way, to address that in the circumstances as they are? And my answer to that is humanitarian pauses for the specific purpose of aid and provision into Gaza, but not a ceasefire that actually leaves Hamas in a position to continue what it is doing now, continue attacking, to continue holding hostages, and to have the capability of doing what it did on 7 October again. That cannot be now, at this point, the right answer to the awful suffering that we see in Gaza. Thank you very much, Paul. Tamara, Sky?

Tamara Cohen

Tamara Cohen from Sky News. Sir Keir, would you accept that this issue is tearing your party apart? You have made clear you don’t support a ceasefire. If senior figures in your party continue to call for one, will they face any consequences? And could I also ask, you’ve backed the Government’s plan for humanitarian pauses, what, if anything, do you think the Government are getting wrong in their response to this crisis?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Tamara, on tearing the party apart, I think it’s very important to recognise the unity in the Labour Party on the key issues. There’s unity in trying to bring about an alleviation of the awful situation in Gaza. So, nobody in the Labour Party is making any other case than that we have got to alleviate the suffering. We have got to speak out for Israel’s right to self-defence, and we’ve got to alleviate the suffering. So, there’s complete unity on that. There is also unity not just on the short-term, but what is the long-term answer to this? And that is the two-state solution.

We had a big affirmation of our policy – a united affirmation of our policy in July of this year, that the two-state solution is the only way forward. So, there is – so the – we’re not tearing the party apart, there’s unity on that. There are differences of view on how you achieve that, and that’s why I say I understand why people argue for a ceasefire, but I do not think that is the right argument at this time. but we all – we need to focus on where that unity is. It is my responsibility to ensure collective responsibility, I accept that, and we do need collective responsibility, and I take that duty extremely seriously.

In relation to the Government. Look, the Government is sharing intelligence with us on a regular basis, for which we are grateful, and at the moment, we are making the same calls to Israel, to others in the region and with our allies. We are all talking to the Americans, to Middle East leaders, to Israel, as you would expect, and at this stage, when bearing in mind over 200 people are being held hostage, I don’t think try – for me, trying to find points of difference with the Government is what the families of those hostages most want to hear. We met some of them just two weeks ago, with harrowing stories of what has happened, and their fears, understandable, and they urged on us that the United Kingdom stand as united and strong as it can in support of their right to have their loved ones back, and I heed what they say in answering your question. Thank you. Lee, Jewish News?

Lee Harpin

Good morning, Keir. It’s fair to say I’ve been contacted by dozens of Jewish Newsreaders over the past few weeks, and the majority have been deeply impressed with the leadership you’ve shown over this crisis. But what I am also receiving are messages now from people very concerned about the MPs within your party who continue to speak at the mass Palestine demos that are taking place in London and other cities across the globe. Now, nobody is using, it’s fair to say, the sort of language the Home Secretary used yesterday, but they are worried about, on the fringes of these demos there’s real examples of hate and extremism that is leaving the Jewish community in this country petrified. What would your message be today to those Labour MPs who continue to speak at these demos?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Well, I think, Lee, we’ve all seen the images of the various demonstrations and protests etc., and what I’d say is that where there’s evidence of offences being committed, then obviously, it’s for the Police to act on that. And obviously, that’s difficult for them on the ground, but they must do so and the full weight of the law needs to be exercised against those who are committing offences. And that’s a matter for the Courts, and they will have our full backing in that. But the job of the police is to identify those offences, to make arrests where that’s appropriate, but also to facilitate peaceful protest by those that want to have their voice heard, and it’s getting that balance right that matters.

And that’s the context in which I answer your question, because both of those things have to happen, and they are difficult judgement calls that have to be made on the ground by the Police. I spent five years working with the Police Service in Northern Ireland, who were deeply involved in other protests, and know how difficult a job that is on the ground for Police Officers. Where they do identify offences, they should arrest and there should be prosecutions and they should have our full backing. But equally, we do need to recognise that the right to peaceful protest is a cherished right in this country and we shouldn’t give it up, and we should facilitate those that want to express their view. Thank you, Lee. I’ve got Kiran from The Guardian.

Kiran Stacey

Hi, Kiran Stacey from The Guardian. I understand you don’t want to comment on what you think is legal or illegal under international law, and I understand your reasons for saying that you don’t think an immediate ceasefire is the practical way to go. But I think what a lot of your members and MPs are hoping for is a clearer distinction on what you believe to be morally justifiable and not morally justifiable, in terms of the actions that Israel is taking right now. So, I’d like to give you two specific cases. One, the communications blackout for 36 hours that meant that innocent people in Gaza could not call the Emergency Services when they were the victims of shelling, and number two, telling people to move south of Wadi Gaza, and then sending rockets south of Wadi Gaza, to where people have evacuated. Are those two things morally justifiable, not legal or illegal, but are they moral?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Well, Kiran, I’m not going to break the rule I’ve just set out for myself in terms of not immediately adjudicating on each and every issue, but look, on the comms blackout, I think everybody was concerned about the comms blackout. And concerns have been raised in relation to that, understandably, for reasons that everybody will understand, and equally, the moving of people. And that’s why I said in my remarks that where people – Palestinians feel that they have to flee, it is very important and made absolutely clear without any ambiguity, that that is with a view to returning, because of the history that lies behind this.

So, you know, I think in the words I’ve just set out in the 15 minutes or so that I spoke for. it’s clear where I’m coming from on this, as it is on humanitarian aid. You know, we have been saying now for a long time in the three weeks or so that we’ve had, that that aid needs to get in, and that withdraw – withholding water, food, medicines and fuel is not acceptable and has to be addressed. So, I don’t think reading and hearing what I’ve just said in the last 15 minutes can leave many people in much doubt about what I think should happen, but what I’m not going to do is adjudicate on each and every example that people may, understandably, want to put to me to answer. I’ve got Ahmed from The Muslim News, please.

Ahmed Versi

Ahmed Versi from Muslim News. Overwhelmingly members of the United Nations Assembly – General Assembly, voted to – for ceasefire. More than 70% of the public in this country, according to YouGov poll, want a ceasefire. We have a majority of the people in the world wanting a ceasefire, because they want to stop killing of civilians, and of – and also of children. I mean, we’ve heard more than 9,000 Palestinians have been killed, more than 4,000 Palestinian children have been killed, surely the lives are very important. Should you not listen to the overwhelmingly – the public in this country and across the world and support a ceasefire?

The discussions which are taking place in the Arab and the Muslim world, and in the Global South, is that the West does not care for Palestinian life. For the West, Palestinian life is worth less than the Israeli one. Thank you.

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Thank you very much. Look, I’m not surprised by evidence that the vast majority of the public in this country and no doubt in other countries, want to see an alleviation of the suffering in Gaza. That is a human response that I share, and I’ve not spoken to anybody who doesn’t share that emotional response to what is happening, and therefore, I’m not surprised about the levels of support for anything, if you like, that would bring about, in the eyes of the public, an alleviation of that suffering.

The question I’m addressing is, is a ceasefire right if it leaves Hamas with the capability to continue to attack and carry out similar attacks to 7 October, and when it holds 200 hostages? And my answer to that is no, but it doesn’t mean, therefore, I leave the question there, nothing can be done, because I immediately go on to address the question, well, in what way can that suffering be alleviated? In what way can we ensure that civilians are not caught up and targeted in this? How do we get that aid in? And that is through humanitarian pauses. I haven’t seen the polling on humanitarian pauses to allow aid in. I would be surprised if the vast majority of people in this country and other countries don’t equally say, “If that’s a way, a practical solution, a practical way, the most likely way to alleviate the suffering and to get aid in, then we should be doing it.”

On the second point of your question, let me be absolutely clear. Each life matters, each life is equal, and I don’t look at an image of an Israeli child dead or a Palestinian child dead and distinguish between the two. I’ve got children, many people will feel this as a human emotion. Rach of those pains me and I think pains equally the vast majority of people in this country, and we have to be absolutely clear that each life is valued equally, and the loss of any single innocent civilian life is equally valued, and equally impactful in our response. Thank you, Ahmed. Can I go to Ben at The Mirror? Ben.

Ben

Thank you, Keir. In your speech you talked about the rise in temperature on British streets. How worried are you about violence here, and even the potential for a terrorist attack, as a consequence of what’s going on? And also, just to be clear, on collective responsibility, are you going to sack these frontbenchers who’ve broken collective responsibility?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Look, on the Islamophobia, the antisemitism, that is going up in this country, yes, of course, I’m concerned. The numbers have gone up hugely, and it shocks me that Jewish schools have had red paint painted on their walls, that Jewish families are having to – or feel they have to hide their identity. That Muslim women are telling me they don’t feel safe going on public transport, that mosques are telling me, “We are having to ramp up our security,” that Muslims are saying, “We are being held to account for things that others have done that are nothing to do with us.” I am worried about that, and I think that all of us, but particularly Politicians, have a duty to work in all of our communities to ensure that we tackle that sort of hate crime, that sort of hate, head-on. That is across party, I’ve said this in Parliament, that is without distinction. We all have a voice, we all have a responsibility to deal with it.

On the question of collective responsibility, of course that matters. It is my responsibility to handle that within our party, and I take that responsibility seriously, but as I say, there is unity in the desired ends that all – everybody in the Labour Party wants, which is to alleviate the suffering that we can all see, talk about, hear about, and listen to. And that is why I’ve set out today what I think is the right, practical and achievable route to that as quickly as possible. Can I take David Rose from The Jewish Chronicle?

David Rose

As time is going by, more and more evidence is emerging of Iran’s role in co-ordinating the original attacks of 7 October. It’s established fact that Iran is one of Hamas’s principal sources of funding. It’s also suggested it helped train those responsible for the pogrom of 7 October, and may indeed have deliberately wanted the Israeli response that was surely inevitable once that took place. I wondered what is your current assessment, given the information that you have access to, of how important Iran has been in this? How would you approach dealing with this issue as Prime Minister at a strategic level, and as a specific, would you continue to s – to call for the proscription as a terrorist organisation of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Let me answer that as carefully as I can, because as I mentioned, we’ve been having quite high-level intelligence briefings that the Government’s been providing to us, which obviously, I can’t disclose. I think my response would be that we all have a duty to make sure that this does not escalate, and it easily could, and in fact, Hamas want it to escalate. It is one of their driving purposes, which is why myself and others are having contact at the highest level in – across the globe, in countries that are most engaged here, to try and ensure that that escalation doesn’t happen. Beyond that, I won’t say, because I’ll end up disclosing some of the material that has been shared with us in intelligence briefings. Oliver Wright from The Times?

Oliver Wright

Thank you. Obviously, the whip was suspended from Andy McDonald yesterday. Can you just spell out very clearly what is and what is not acceptable for Labour MPs to say? Where are the red lines?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

I think every Labour MP, every Politician, whichever party they’re in, and at whatever level they are a Politician, wherever they are a representative, has to be extremely careful about the language that they use, and should be extremely careful about the language that they use, and I would expect that of all Labour MPs. I’m not going to comment on the particular case of Andy McDonald because it’s subject to a process, a process which is going to have to independently come to a conclusion.

And one of the things I’ve been trying very hard to do in the last three and a half/four years, since I’ve been Leader of the Labour Party, is make sure that is done without the fingerprints of the Leader on the desired outcome. That was an error in our ways some years ago that I have addressed, but I do say, and I would say to all Politicians, and this is cross-party and – you know, we all have a duty to be extremely careful about the language that we use in the situation that we face just at the moment. Ryan from The Sun.

Ryan

Again, on Andy McDonald, the Labour Party described Andy McDonald’s words as “deeply offensive.” Is it right that any such person should stand again as a Labour candidate at the next election? Would you be happy with that?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Well, Ryan, I understand the question but, you know, now this is subject to a process which is going to have to come to a determination. That is a question that can, you know, only realistically be addressed when it’s come to a determination. So, I’ll hold on that and obviously, let you have another opportunity in due course to put that, or similar questions, to me. But now it’s subject to a process, that process has to run its course, as you’ll understand. Thank you. I’ve got one or two others who I think would like to ask questions. I’ve got Jim Pickard from the FT.

Jim Pickard

You mentioned collective responsibility and so on, but it seems clear that senior members, frontbenchers, are able to have a different position on this to you. They are, of course, calling for a ceasefire, and they’re going to be able to do this without any consequences. Is that correct? And secondly, you talk about a humanitarian pause to get people out. How do you envisage that happening? Are we talking about – how many people, which people? How will they be prioritised, and most importantly, where would you expect them to go? Thank you.

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Look, I mean, on collective responsibility, of course we need collective responsibility and it’s my job to ensure we do have collective responsibility. In the current context, that has to be done with an eye on the context and what we are facing, and with me being clear about the proportionality of any measures that are there for collective responsibility. And that’s how I will do it sensitively and engaging with my frontbenchers, but also recognising that what is driving them is this agreed position that we need to alleviate the awful events and circumstances that confront us in Gaza.

Jim, on the whys and wherefores, the practicalities. Look, I don’t think that me standing at a lectern like this, dictating what – a plan for the particular order in which things should happen under a humanitarian pause, is realistic, you know. But I do think that if we can drive the collective will to bring about a pause, then those are the questions that inevitably will need to be thought through and answered by those that will have to operationalise this. What I want to do today is repeat our calls for humanitarian pauses. It’s a call the Americans, as you know, have made, and others have made, with a view to bringing them around and then, the secondary questions of exactly what happens when can be addressed, but at the moment it’s creating that space for them in the first place. Could I have Arg from The i? I think Arg…

Arg

Hi, Sir Keir. I’m over here.

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Oh, sorry.

Arg

Hi. Just a quick one. You talked about the push for peace in the 90s and early 2000s and how you want to revive that drive for peace and a two-state solution in the Middle East. Are you taking advice from Sir Tony Blair on this issue?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Well, Arg, I – this taking advice is an interesting phrase, but on the substance of the point, and I don’t want to lose this ‘cause it’s in the speech and it’s very important, there has been a failure of leadership in recent years, with too many political leaders being prepared to look away, knowing what the situation really is on the ground. And I think we’ve got to be honest about that and confront that, and that’s why even in the depths of this situation, we have to reach for the renewed hope of a solution to this.

I mean, I am engaging with very many people on this issue, and I’m prepared to engage with anyone that will help us take a step in that direction. I’m not taking advice from anyone in particular, but everyone in general, because I think that – I’m not pretending that I alone have got the capability, the silver bullet. What I do know is I’ve got a responsibility as a political leader to work with others to try to do now what I think has not been done in recent years, and I’ll continue to do that. Thank you, Arg. Have I got Kate from Times? Yeah.

Kate McCann

Thank you, Keir Starmer. Kate McCann from Times Radio. A video filmed in your constituency shows posters of Israeli hostages being torn down. How does that make you feel, and do the Police need more powers to tackle this? The Met says it does, the Prime Minister says they don’t. What do you think as a former Director of Public Prosecutions? And can we just be very clear on collective responsibility. However emotive the issue is, it’s one of the key rules of a government sticking together. Have you suspended collective responsibility on this issue? Thank you.

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

On the last question, no, but it is obviously a question for me how I bring about collective responsibility, but the answer to the question is no. On the first part of your question, on the images, I was shocked when I saw that, and I don’t think anybody else would be other than shocked when they saw that. In that particular case, I don’t think there are issues about the reach of the law, but I do know that the Police have voiced their concerns that they don’t necessarily have the right powers under the law. There’s been a review into this, the Government hasn’t acted, and I think that the Home Secretary would be well-advised to pick up the report, look at it again and think, “What is my responsibility as Home Secretary to ensure the Police have the powers that they say they need to deal with some of the situations that are confronting us?” And I would advise her to focus on that part of her job just at the moment. Harriet from the Mail.

Harriet Line

Thank you. Harriet Line, Daily Mail. You’ve said that the law around chanting jihad needs to be reviewed. What legislation do you think needs to be changed and what powers would a Labour Government give to police to intervene? And secondly, a number of your MPs are privately saying they’re livid with your stance. How would you characterise the mood in your party?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

On the first question, my understanding of what the Police are asking for is a better definition of some of the outer edges of potential offending, because they have come across cases where it’s not – they can’t clearly make a decision, and they don’t like that ambiguity, and I think they’re right about that. I think if you’re going to ask the Police to do a difficult job, then as Politicians you owe it to the Police to give them clarity to ensure they can make their decisions. That’s what they’re asking for and I think that’s what the Government ought to address.

And look, the mood – you saw the mood in the Labour Party at our Labour Party Conference. United, confident, putting a positive case before the country for a decade of national renewal after 13 years of decline. And we are absolutely united in that, and even in, you know, the difficult question of what’s the appropriate response to the events that are unfolding, there is unity about what we want to achieve in the short-term and the-long term. So, you know, that is – that unity is in fact a strength in the Labour Party that we take forward. You saw it there at our conference. We addressed some of the issues I’ve addressed today, this morning, at our conference, and you saw the unity of a conference of 18,000 people, Labour members, standing in silence, a minute silence, to recognise the awful events in Israel and the Middle East. Thank you, and the last question, Kate from The Independent.

Kate

Keir, Andy Burnham said yesterday that senior Labour figures who have broken ranks to call for a ceasefire “should not be branded disloyal.” By going public, do you think that they have been disloyal, yes or no, and…?

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Well, I think I’ve done my best to answer this question a number of times. Collective responsibility matters. It’s for me to set out the position of the party. I’ve done that before today, I’ve done it again today, and made it clear that I do not think a ceasefire now is the right way forward, but a humanitarian pause is. And may – people will hear what I’ve said this morning, evaluate whether they think it has merit, and I hope answer the question, is this actually the best way forward to alleviate the situation in Gaza, and to get the hostages released as they must and should be? And I think anybody reflecting on what I’ve said this morning would say that is obviously the appropriate way forward, and that a ceasefire now is not the answer, for the reasons I’ve set out. Thank you all very much, I think I’ve taken pretty well all of the media questions, I certainly hope so, and thank you for coming.

Bronwen Maddox

You’ve done exactly what you said, which is come, give your – a speech and answer all the questions fired at you. Everyone, thank you for coming, thank you for the questions, and Sir Keir Starmer, thank you for coming, thank you for inviting the questions and replying to them.

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

Thank you very much, everyone [applause], thank you. Thank you very much.