The Future of Palestine

Adam Ward

Good morning, everybody. My name’s Adam Ward. I’m the Deputy Director of Chatham House, and I have the pleasure of welcoming, to the Institute, Dr Riad Malki, the Foreign Minister and Minister of Expatriates for the Palestinian National Authority. I’d like to also take this opportunity to welcome members of his delegation, including the Ambassador of the Palestinian National Authority, to London.

A Civil Engineer by training, Dr Malki has, in the last decade or so, been a key figure in the Palestinian National Authority, and in the diplomacy of the Middle East more generally. He has occupied a succession of important Government posts, including Minister of Justice, Government Spokesman and he’s held his present responsibilities since 2009.

At present, among other things, he is actively and intimately involved in shaping the Palestinian response to the initiative of the Trump administration, which has been formulated by Jared Kushner, the President’s Advisor and son-in-law, and the US envoy, Jason Greenblatt. Little information has been made public about the contours of that initiative which, according to Press reports, are not expected to be made formally clear until the end of Ramadan at the first week of June, other than it apparently seeks to improve Israel’s security, and to promote Palestinian economic wellbeing and development, as a foundation for better co-existence.

It’s already been pre-emptively, as it were, rejected by the Palestinians of Syed, insofar as, I think Dr Malki said at the UN himself recently, that it amounted, on present terms at least, as a set of conditions for surrender that falls very much short of the kind of two-state solution that would be favoured by the Palestinian side.

With the United States not acknowledged by the Palestinian side as an exclusive mediator with Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, of Israel so it seemed, despite some difficult negotiations still to be conducted, set to compose a new ruling Conservative coalition in coming weeks, and with other regional and extra-regional stakeholders in the dispute between Palestine and Israel, mostly watching and waiting, the path to a comprehensive settlement still seems strewn with obstacles. So, we look forward to hearing from the Foreign Minister, his analysis of the situation and what he thinks it is possible to do, to advance a settlement in the prevailing circumstances.

This event is on the record and it’s being livestreamed. Minister, welcome to Chatham House, your first visit. Very pleased to see you here and we invite you now to address us from the podium. Thank you.

Dr Riad Malki

Thank you very much, and good morning to you all. Allow me, at the outset, to thank the Chatham House for their invitation, and for the selection of an unusual and compelling title for this conversation, the Future of Palestine.

Two days ago the Palestinian people commemorated the 71^st anniversary of the Nakba, the Catastrophe, and, while their disposition continues, one cannot but reflect on this long journey of a nation that’s refused to die or disappear, and continues to strive for its rightful place in history and geography, among all the nations of the world. Throughout those decades, Israeli policies aimed to displace, and replace, the Palestinian people, and ensured confinement of the Palestinians and expansion of Israeli settlers with, as objective, the acquisition of maximum land with minimum Palestinians. We are in the final phases of this massive plan, that Israel is no longer even trying to hide, and which can only be qualified as colonialism, under the disguise of occupation.

Over the years, a dual system of discrimination, domination and segregation was also put in place and found its ultimate expression in the Jewish nation state law, such a system is reminiscent of Apartheid. I know that some may be uncomfortable to hear the words ‘colonialism’ and ‘Apartheid’ associated with Israel, but they are what we experience on a daily basis, and what is visible to the naked eye. This is the future Palestine is trying to draw – Israel is trying to draw with its colonial policies, [inaudible – 06:04] and open-air prisons.

What future does the US plan offer to the Palestinian people? Well, a very similar one, since all indicates this administration is preparing to give its stamp of approval to Israel’s colonial policies. The US administration has shown nothing but disregard for Palestinian rights and for Palestinian lives. For international law, and their internationally recognised terms of reference, and for common sense and decency.

The op, published by Pompeo and Friedman in the Wall Street Journal just two days ago to explain that international law backs their illegal recognition of Golan Heights as an Israeli territory, shows to what extent they have exposed the narrative of the Israeli extreme right-wing. They are trying to bend the law to accommodate violations, instead of ending violations to uphold the law.

We are grateful to the international community for having stood up against the Jerusalem move by the US administration and in defence of Ondra, but when it comes to taking the lead on peace efforts, the world left the steering wheel in the hands of a reckless driver. We disregard, with a view that we should wait ‘til he goes, the reckless driver, ‘til he goes over a cliff, or runs over the Palestinian people, to do something about it.

The US ‘deal of the century’ is in fact the consecration of our century-old ordeal: no independence, no sovereignty, no freedom, and no justice. And, if they do not think that this situation will have an impact on the future of Israel and the region, one way or another, they are the ones that are delusional, and not us. This cannot be the future of Palestine. Our people have not struggled for so long, and endured so much, to simply change the size of their chains. They want freedom, not conditional liberty. They want sovereignty, and not limited autonomy. They want peace and co-existence, not domination and subjugation.

There are two ways to end a conflict: a peace accord or capitulation. Meaning a surrender act. We continue to stand ready to negotiate a peace accord, based on the internationally recognised terms of reference and a pre-1967 borders under international monitoring, holding accountable the parties and within a determined and binding timeframe. Of course, with East Jerusalem as the capital of the state of Palestine.

We will never be ready. We will never be ready to sign a surrender act. If people struggling against oppression across history surrendered to the odds, they will all be in chains today. We have defied the odds many times before, and we will do it again. But defeating colonialism and Apartheid cannot be our responsibility alone. Achieving peace cannot be our purpose alone. The freedom of the Palestinian people, and peace for all the peoples of the region, is a worthy objective, that deserves much more from everyone. I’m afraid that if you believe in this objective, you can no longer delay decisive action. Regardless of your circumstances, regardless of the international context, this is a defining moment. If you think action is too costly, just think of the alternative and of the path it would sit us on for decades to come.

We need, more than ever, a coalition of the willing. Champions of the internationally recognised terms of reverence and the two-state solution. Ready to examine and adopt complete action to salvage Palestine, and to salvage peace. Such action should include linking the level of their relations with our parties to the level of their commitment to the rational law and peace, as well as making sure that the cost of having ties with their settlements and their associated regime far overweighs the benefits for both officials and other individuals and for entities, for companies and, of course, for Governments.

We need to ensure that what prevails are UN Security Council resolutions, not illegal settlements. The International Court of Justice, and not the illegal wall. The Geneva Conventions, not targeting of civilians and collective punishments. Human rights, not discrimination and oppression. Their own statue, not war crimes. This is decisive for the Palestinian people, but also, for the peoples of the world.

If you are searching for the future of Palestine, look at Gaza. Where young people, who have virtually known nothing but blockade, military assaults and humanitarian disaster, they continue to demonstrate their resilience, their creativity, and their ability. Look at Jerusalem, where Israel has launched a war against Palestinian presence, neighbourhood-by-neighbourhood, house-by-house. A war that, despite the asymmetry power, the Palestinians have no intention to lose. Look at the refugee camps in Palestine and in the region, where kids strive for excellence. Look at generations of Palestinians in the diaspora that remain committed to their cause and their country.

There are more than 13 million Palestinians in the world. They will not be silenced and they will not be subdued, and the same applies to all those stand in solidarity with them. No-one should be apologetic for standing against colonialism and Apartheid and indifference over freedom and justice. At the same time, the persistence of the Israeli occupation has transformed in-depth the Israeli society. With extremist and racist views taking centre stage with a [inaudible – 15:33] that adopts discriminatory and oppressive laws, with a judiciary complicit of violations of international law. And with a Government where prevails a competition to know who has the worst and the most inhumane position against the Palestinians. Netanyahu is betting that the world will look the other way and embrace Israel, regardless of its attitude towards the Palestinians. Please, prove him wrong.

As for us, we remain committed to international law and non-violence. This is only the only way forward, but that does not mean choosing inaction. We will take all decisions needed to address our independence and to respond to Israel’s masterplan to entrench and render permanent, its occupation. The PLO Central Council will meet in the coming weeks to take concrete decisions in this regard. We will also intensify our diplomatic efforts to explain our positions and to garner support for the rights of our people. Especially in the coming weeks, as the US administration prepares to release its plan, and we will continue to explore every avenue, to seek justice and redress for our people, including the available legal avenues.

We are also conscious that our division has undermined our ability to confront Israeli policies, as well as undermined our democracy and our institutions. The Palestinian people demand reconciliation, and we continue to call on Hamas to allow the Government to perform its duties in the Gaza Strip as the only way forward. The Gaza Strip has suffered from a horrible Israeli blockade for over a decade and repeated assaults and is on the verge of collapse.

We continue to do our utmost to respond to the needs of our people in Gaza, but the situation requires much more, and we all must display a great sense of responsibility to spare our people unnecessary suffering and to confront together, the blockade and the occupation and all attempts at a bargain at the expense of our national rights. We will continue to honour our obligations towards who suffered most from the occupation. There was a lot of talk about our prisoners and martyrs in recent months. With some assuming that if Israel arrested and killed them, it must have had good reasons. Well, let us look at the facts.

Since 1967, Israel has conducted a policy of mass arbitrary arrest to assert its control over the population. Hundreds of thousands were arrested, including myself. The equivalent of 40% of our male population. The conviction rate, in Israeli military courts, has reached over 99.99%. While the conviction rate of Israelis, who have committed crimes against the Palestinians, remains close to zero. There is no serious claim that these Israeli military courts are legitimate, and they have proven time and time again, that they are instrument at the service of the occupation. Upholding decisions, violating international law, formed an [inaudible – 20:48] wall, to shielding the settlement in crisis and war criminals.

It is difficult assaults – in its different assaults against the Palestinian people, Israel targeted civilians or conducted indiscriminate attacks against them. In recent years alone, one commission of inquiry after the other demonstrated this disregard for Palestinian life, and that – those killed were overwhelmingly defenceless civilians. So, those who think that the Israeli courts or Israeli snipers, Israeli tanks and F-16s are in the position to determine who are the terrorists, they should think again.

As for Israel’s decision to uphold the money we provide to the families of those who suffer most from the occupation, let us just say that Israel is not well-placed to make a determination, regarding who others spend their money, given how it spends its own. And you should also ask why did Israel raise this issue a couple of years ago. We have been supporting families of those who suffer most from the occupation since the establishment of the PLO, and we have continued doing so, when the Palestinian authority was established. So why now?

By the way, former prisoners play a key role in our leadership, in our institutions, in our security services and in our negotiating teams. Similar to the experience of all liberation movements around the world, we are not an exception. Israel’s objective is to criminalise our struggle, and to justify the theft of our money. While distracting you from the relations they committed, and if we had accepted to receive the rest of the money, as some were bleeding, we would be endorsing this policy and sustaining it.

As a former Palestinian Ambassador to the United Kingdom once said, “We are unreasonably reasonable.” And unfortunately, this responsible attitude has not been met with reciprocity and has not been rewarded, but we pursue it in the hope to mobilise the international community for the fulfilment of our peoples’ inalienable rights and peace. So prove us right. Multilateralism to overcome unilateralism, accountability to end violations, freedom to allow for co-existence, this is the way forward for Palestine, for the region, and beyond. Thank you very much [applause].

Adam Ward

Thank you very much. I’d like to begin the round of questions, if I may, by turning to the issue of the United States. You made pretty clear that you don’t accept the plan, at least what we know of it, to date. The formal position of the Government that you represent is that it doesn’t recognise the United States as an exclusive intermediary between you and Israel. At the same time, it’s hard to see how any comprehensive settlement can be achieved without American involvement. It’s difficult, perhaps, for you to convert them entirely to your perspective, but it’s also very difficult to circumvent the United States. I think, as you indicated in your closing remarks, you’re trying to mobilise the international community to come up with some, perhaps, countervailing initiatives, including the Europeans, and I think your Government has also been urging the UN Secretary General to convene a meeting of the quartet. What has your response been, in other, sort of, European capitals are among the members of the quartet, to that appeal and what specific counteractions, if I can put it that way, would you want them to undertake?

Dr Riad Malki

Well, first of all, you know, for sure that we have been working very closely with the American administrations, believing that they were very serious committed to pursue peace between us and the Israelis, and we have worked very closely with previous administrations, including the current one.

In 19 – in 2017 alone, my President has met with President Trump four times, with an intention to pursue peace and to collaborate with the US administration for that purpose. Our negotiating team has met with Buchner and his team, more than 34 or 36 times. Only in 2017, which tells you that we were totally committed, involved, collaborative and co-operating with the Americans, with the intention that they were serious enough, committed to, as a broker, to achieve peace between us and between the Israelis.

Until, suddenly, when the Americans have decided to close our office, representative office, in Washington, to cut all contact links with us, official links with us, through closing the office. Decided to recognise Jerusalem as capital of Israel, moving their Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, taking off the issue of Jerusalem to the table for the final status issues, and then they continued, in the same direction, in terms of, you know, attacking Ondra, trying to cut their contribution to Ondra’s funding. Then, of course, cutting all their financial contribution to the Palestinian authority affecting, you know, their projects of infrastructure in Palestine, cutting their funds to the Palestinian hospitals in Jerusalem, etc., etc.

Even, you know, when they decided to connect the US Consulate General in Jerusalem that was opened in 1844. 1844, before even the establishment of the State of Israel, 1844, to establish the contacts between the US Government and the Palestinian people, they have decided to end that existence and to link it to the American Embassy that recently has been moved from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. So, this – if this is not a declaration of war, then what? If this is not a cut to all direct contacts with the Palestinian authority, to Palestinian people, then what? So, the Americans have asked for it. The Americans have started it, not us, and we are on the receptive side, trying really, to see what we should really do.

Now, when it comes to this ‘deal of the century’, as its being really called, you know, it has shown, with all these steps, a total disregard to the Palestinian lives. Total disregard to the Palestinian rights. So, how we should really react. It showed total disregard to the international, you know, international law. Especially the Security Council Resolution, number 478, that was passed in 1980, that really prohibits recognising Jerusalem as capital of Israel, or moving any Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

The Americans have really violated the same, and Security Council Resolution that we have really voted for and many other, you know, resolutions, but also, international law. So, how we should really react? Obviously, yes, we have been moving around, speaking to many Governments around the world, but in particular we stand, we start always where we belong, the Arab home. And that’s why, you know, our contacts with our Arab brothers is very, very important. Their support, shielding the Palestinian position, providing the type of protection and support is important and we will always, we start, you know, in the Arab league, where we always get the support.

Then we move to the OIC, Organisation of Islamic Co-operation, to get the support of the Muslim countries. Then we move little bit wider to the, of course, the European Union, where we have been in contact with many countries and recently, we had a special retreat, you know, in Dublin, with the participation of a number of European countries, and a number of Arab countries, at the level of Foreign Ministers, where we discuss this deal of the century, and how to respond to it collectively. Europeans and Arabs, and we have asked the Irish Foreign Minister to write a letter to Pompeo and to Kushner, trying to advise them that, you know, if they want to have a plan that will work out, a plan that will fly, then they have to make sure that this plan has to include all the ingredients necessary for the plan to be workable, acceptable, implementable, by the international community. And the letter was sent.

Now we hope that, with this letter, there is a certain revision of the plan, in order for them not to face a total disaster, not to face a total rejection by everybody else’s because, you know, even here, in the UK, if the plan does not respect international law, does not respect the basic fundamental position of the UK, then we expect the UK to have a position, you know, regarding this plan. And so, we have been now in contact with so many countries in order, really, to co-ordinate collective positions. This will strengthen our ability to be able to confront that deal of the century in, you know, always in co-ordination and in support of everybody else’s, so, yes, we are in this. We will continue doing that until the last minute, when the Americans will decide, if they will decide, at any time, to disclose their plan and to make it public.

Adam Ward

You’ve emphasised that your approach is very much a multilateral one. At the same time, I think President Abbas is on record about his willingness to have a bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and I believe there’s been a couple of attempts by President Putin of Russia to convene such a meeting. What is it about that meeting that – well, first of all, do you have any expectations that such a meeting will take place, and what is it about the possibility of a meeting like that that gives you any sense that it might produce a breakthrough, in a way that these other multilateral and other kinds of initiatives have not?

Dr Riad Malki

Well, you know, first of all, you know, we have to be very clear that, you know, we cannot shy away from any kind of invitation by friendly countries like Russian Federation, or any other invitation for a meeting with the Israeli side. We have nothing to be afraid of. To the contrary, it’s a challenge. It will show who is derailing the process and who is trying to prevent, you know, a peace agreement from being really achieved. And so when a leader comes to Palestine and Israel and says, “Well, I want to invite you for a meeting,” my President always says, “I’m ready, send me the invitation, and you’ll find me there, you know, immediately.” But, you know, make sure that Netanyahu will accept, will participate, and will be there. But at the same time, we don’t want to go to any meeting for only for the meeting, we don’t want, really, to go there, in order to give Netanyahu the excuse to say, “Well, the situation is good and there is no need for, you know, any intervention or pressure from any country, on me, because, you know, I’m talking to the Palestinians, and so, let us talk alone without you guys, you know, participate, intervene, or pressure.” And so, you know, we wanted complete results. That’s why we have been demanding always that, you know, any meeting has to be well prepared and, you know, with the concrete outcome from it.

When President Putin called my President and said, “Look, I was speaking to Netanyahu, Netanyahu said that, you know, he is willing to hold the meeting, and to have a meeting, you know, in Moscow, the three of us, so what do you think?” My president said, “Okay.” You know, “I have no problem, I will participate.” This was, what, three years ago? You know, it’s not yesterday and so we were, at that time, you know, having an official visit to Warsaw, Poland, and we were planning from there to fly to Moscow the next day. That was, really, in September, I think, you know, it was 8 or 9 September 2016.

Netanyahu was having official visit to the Netherlands and he was supposed to fly also, from there to Moscow. When we were prepared, you know, just to leave Warsaw to Moscow, we received a phone call from Moscow telling us, “Please, you know, the meeting has been cancelled, so don’t come.” We asked, you know, “Why, what happened?” He said, “Well, Netanyahu decided not to come.” We knew that, in advance, but, you know, we couldn’t really say it to Putin, because then he will say, “Well, the Palestinians always trying, really, to put Netanyahu and to picture Netanyahu, as the one who’s really putting the obstacles.” But, you know, at least, you know, Putin discovered, personally, that who is really trying to avert such meeting and prevent such a discussion to take place.

You know, the Russians have tried, many times after that, they have really failed. Many other countries without, you know, even trying to really mention names have tried, but also, they have really failed. And I don’t want really to challenge you but, you know, that Netanyahu will never accept to attend any meeting with us, anywhere in the world, because he’s afraid that that such meeting will expose him, expose his position, that he is not a partner to peace, with us or with anybody else’s.

Adam Ward

Thank you. Okay, we’ll open it up now to questions. Put your hand up if you want to make an intervention, ask a question. Wait for the microphone to reach you and then, out of a courtesy to our guest, please give your name and your affiliation. The first person to catch my eye was the gentleman here in the second row. Just put your hand up, sir, so that guy with the microphone can identify you.

Abdul Hamouda

My name is Abdul Hamouda. I am the Editor of timesegypt.com and a Member of Chatham House. In your effort, Mr Malki, to mobilise support in the international community, mainly in Western countries, are you aware that there is a very strong wave trying to equate, criticising Israel with anti-Semitism, mainly in the media and in the academia as well? How can you contain this and do you see this as a promising environment to spread your message?

Adam Ward

With your permission, I’ll take one or two…

Dr Riad Malki

Sure.

Adam Ward

…more questions? So the gentleman in the third row on my left. Yes, there’s the mic.

Paul Martin

And my name is Paul Martin, I’m a Foreign Correspondent and a Member of this Institute. Do you accept that in the current circumstances with the Arab world, Muslim world, particularly the Arab world, is in complete chaos and unable to guarantee any kind of settlement that might be reached, no matter how unlikely that may be, it’s almost impossible to reach a settlement of the Palestinian/Israeli problem, without stable Governments and lack of violence in the region around you?

Adam Ward

Okay and then, gentleman here in the front row on the extreme right, to me.

Michael Daventry

Hello there. My name is Michael Daventry. I’m a Journalist. I work for the Jewish Chronicle newspaper. Minister, thank you very much for your remarks. You mentioned Gaza, you didn’t mention Hamas. Is there any possibility in your mind that Hamas could be reabsorbed into the PLO, into what you would consider to be the Palestinian national conversation, bearing in mind that in the West, it’s still prescribed as a terrorist organisation?

Adam Ward

Okay. Yeah, if you care to address those few questions and then we hope to come back for a couple more rounds before we finish in about 15 minutes’ time.

Dr Riad Malki

Okay. Yes, we are aware that, you know, Israel is trying its best, you know, through some of their allies, to shield itself from any kind of criticism, by putting certain laws that equates, you know, criticising Israel as anti-Semitism. Well, you know, this is really, absolutely unacceptable. We cannot accept that, you know, as Palestinians, and it should be challenged by the international community. Israel is a country, like all of us, could commit crimes, war crimes, and if that’s the case, then Israel has to be punished. The fact that, you know, you put Israel on a different level than the rest of all countries, then this is – should not be acceptable by any country, at all. Because what Israel has in order really just to be treated, you know, with this kind of, you know, protection. Always that the principles of accountability has to be applicable to everybody and to all countries, including Israel, and, you know, Israel cannot be the exception to this principle. Israel is an occupying power and, as such, you know, Israel is committing crimes against the Palestinians.

Today, the ICC, the International Criminal Court, is having its preliminary examination to see, and this has been the case for the last four and a half years, to see if they have enough evidence to prove that Israel has, and continues committing crimes, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. I have been, you know, just in The Hague, and the ICC just two days ago, just to see where this preliminary examination is and, at one point, is that they will open an official investigation against Israel for their war crimes and crimes against humanity. So it is very important, you know, to look into that.

The moment that you try to equate anti-Israel as anti-Semitism, then you are providing them with such protection, shield, that, you know, they cannot be prosecuted, you know, taken to court, investigated at all. And this will give them, you know, Israel, the Israeli Government, the Israeli Army, the settlors, everybody, you know, enough reason a need to continue with their crimes committed against the Palestinians, disregard to the international law. So that’s really very dangerous, it will change and alter the whole realities, when it comes to the Israel/Palestinian conflict. You know, this is really very important.

Even when we talk about Israel, we talk about Israel as an occupying power. We are not really talking about Israel, you know, that has its own institutions that do this and that. We look at Israel from that context and we try, really, just, you know, to pinpoint to that dimension of Israel. The moment that Israel ends its occupation of the Palestinian people, then we have no problem to the Israel, because at the end of the day, we say that, you know, in peace terms, we are ready just, you know, to co-exist with the State of Israel and to have a normal relations with that. Because, you know, the reason for looking at Israel today and pinpointing Israel because Israel is the only occupying power in the world that decides to continue occupying other people, the Palestinian people, has been the case for the last 51 years and, you know, in total disregard to international law and the Geneva Conventions.

When it comes to the Arab world, yes, I know that, you know, the situation in the Arab world is different from previous years. The Arab’s, right now, are very much weak. They have been affected tremendously by their own internal problems. What’s called, you know, the Arab Spring has affected tremendously, you know, stability, democracy, progress development within the Arab world and, right now, I know that the Arabs are very much concerned about how to overcome such difficulties, what’s happening in Syria, what’s happening in Iraq, what’s happening in Yemen, what’s happening in Libya, are, you know, tremendous worries for all the Arabs, including us, you know, the Palestinians. So – but of course, that does not mean that the Arabs cannot really look at Palestine as the central issue for the Arabs to support the Palestinian cause, as has been the case in the last Arab Summit, you know, in Tunisia, or in the la – in the first European Arab Summit in Sharm el-Sheikh in Egypt, January this year, where all the Arabs have really stood up extremely strongly in support of the Palestinian cause and in defence of the Palestinian rights to state owned and independence. Well, the problems that we have in the Arab world does not mean that the Arabs cannot really also respond to their, you know, responsibilities, in terms of how to provide the type of support and protection to the Palestinian cause.

We know that there are some countries that they look at Hamas, you know, differently, you know, as terrorist organisation, but, you know, of course Hamas is, you know, is part of our, you know, Palestinian reality. They have support among the Palestinian population. They were elected to the Palestinian Legislative Council and such reality has to be, really, acknowledged. Now trying, really, to exclude Hamas completely, this really means that, you know, we are pushing them towards further extremism and many cases, in our recent history, has proven that, you know, excluding groups, political parties, that does not really serve, you know, the whole policy of trying, really, to acquiesce everybody else and to bring them into the mainstream politics.

Our policy and approach is, really, to maintain national reconciliation among the Palestinians. Try, really, to bring them to be part of the national – Palestinian national mainstream and, through the help of, you know, Egypt, who got the mandate from the Arab League to work towards reconciliation. We appreciate tremendously the work that Egypt has done in order, really, just to bring in reconciliation, to convince Hamas to adhere to the basic fundamental positions of the PLO. And we as, you know, Palestinian Government, Palestinian leadership, we have tried, in the last ten years, to persuade Hamas to do so, to convince them, you know, just, you know, to accept what Fatah and other political parties have accepted that, you know, to stop the armed resistance and to look into the political, you know, what you call it, involvement as the best approach to solve the problem with Israel.

So we are still working on this, hoping that we will be successful in convincing Hamas to transform itself into that way. Any kind of pressure, additional pressure, on Hamas trying, really, to exclude it or to keep pinpointing at Hamas, as terrorist organisation, etc., does not serve the purpose that we are trying, really, to do in order, really, just, you know, to bring Hamas in and to make them as a part of the national, political – mainstream political discourse.

Adam Ward

Thank you. Yes, gentleman right at the back, there. I’m also looking for some women to intervene, not yet happened, but I hope it does. Right at the back, in the blue blazer.

Greg Chaplin

Greg Chaplin, Associate Fellow here at Chatham House. We’re talking today about the future of Palestine, Dr Malki, how can Palestine have a future, when its economy is so feeble and its financial situation in such a state of crisis, and what can your Government do to remedy this?

Adam Ward

Thank you, and the lady here at the front.

Member

Is there any plan, or anything in the works, to groom the next generation of Politicians in a more unifying manner?

Adam Ward

Thank you.

Member

Are you grooming the next generation of Politicians in a more unifying manner?

Adam Ward

Thank you. Further questions? Gentleman here in the second row.

Raffi Berg

Thank you, and Raffi Berg, BBC News Website. The official PLO position is the two-state solution as the solution to the conflict, but I think the – if you look at the recent results of the Israeli elections, there’s a reflection, perhaps, that Israelis consider that position of the Palestinians to be insincere. So, can you make clear whether you fully accept the permanent presence of Israel as a country in the Middle East withi – outside the 1967 ceasefire lines?

Adam Ward

And then finally, gentleman here on the front row in the red tie. Just wait for the microphone, please.

Mehrdad Khonsari

Thank you, and my name is Mehrdad Khonsari, Iranian Centre for Policy Studies. I just wanted to ask you, sir, what is – how do you assess the role being played by Iran, in terms of the desires that you have and the campaign that you’re pursuing?

Member

We need another hour.

Dr Riad Malki

When Israel occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, one of the first steps that Israel has done was to annex the Palestinian economy to the Israeli one. And to make the Palestinian economy totally dependent on Israeli economy and after 51 years, we became so dependent on Israeli economy, that we were transformed into the second consumer market of Israeli products, after the European Union. And so there are so many Israeli companies that were established, only to serve the Palestinian demand and the Palestinian economy, and so many Israeli companies are benefiting very much from selling their products to the Palestinian economy, so the Palestinian market. Around ten to 12 billion dollars a year we buy from Israel, directly. And so, yes, we need is – what we need is an independent Palestinian economy, economy that will prosper, will develop, and will diversify, not to be dependent on Israel, but also, to work closely with the Arab world, with Egypt, with Jordan, in particular, but also, to open up to the rest of the world. This is really very important.

Our economy has shrinked tremendously because of the limitations, the constraints that, you know, Israel has imposed on us. They are not – they are putting so many restrictions in order, really, to prevent the Palestinian economy from developing. According to the World Bank Report, only if Israel will allow us to develop, you know, the Jordan Valley, this will add up about five billion dollars a year for the Palestinian economy.

If Israel will allow us to develop few kilometres of the 36 kilometres that we have, you know, as shores to the Dead Sea, this will warm up, you know, our economy. If Israel will allow us to have a direct flights and tourism, to come as religious tourism, to come to the holy places like Jerusalem and Bethlehem, we can accommodate up to 15 to 20 million tourists a year. Because no-one could compete with what we offer, you know, Bethlehem as the birthplace of Jesus Christ, or Jerusalem, so it’s very important, even for Muslims, you know, Al-Aqsa Mosque, the first qibla, and the third-holiest mosque for Islam. So, we know, and Israel does know, very well, that, you know, our economy could prosper, if we have a free economy, that our economy could develop and, instead of being, you know, a recipient country, to donate money, we will become a donor community, part of the donor community. If we are given the chance to develop our own economy. So, yes, Israel is trying to prevent us from having a developed economy, so the occupation is not only military, the occupation is also economic. This is really very important.

Now, how we could really work with our next generations? Well, that’s very important. President Mahmoud Abbas when – even when he campaigned for his elections, he said that, you know, “I do believe in peaceful non-violent resistance, and I want to introduce the culture of peace among all the Palestinians,” and he said, “The only way to solve our problem is through direct negotiations with Israel, rather than violence.” And this is really the messages that President Mahmoud Abbas has been really reflecting, in his contacts with the youngsters everywhere. Yes, 60% of the Palestinian people is below the age of 30, which really means that, you know, yes, we have to invest in the new generation, and the young generations, and we are doing our utmost to see that really happening. But also you want them also to take the lead, and in terms of being really strong Politicians, capable and being able, really, to maintain, you know, the Palestinian hopes and expectations for having an independent Palestinian state, within the two-state solution, to be able to live side-by-side with Israel and with the rest of the neighbours and to look into how we could contribute to peace and stability, not only in the region, but also outside.

I want to remind you that, you know, we were chosen to be the Chair of the Group of 77 and China for the year 2019, and this is really very important, very important responsibility. The Group of G77 and China is the largest group in the United Nations system that really groups 134 countries and really deals with the sustainable development, development for the underdeveloped and how we can redevelop. A way to deal and to negotiate with other developed countries. So, yes, on behalf of the 134 countries, on behalf of China, on behalf of Brazil, Argentina, India, and many others, we are negotiating, you know, with countries like the UK, with Europe, United States, Japan, Australia, for the benefit of, you know, serious sustainable development for everybody.

So, yes, we are showing leadership, we are showing commitment, and the ones who are negotiating that are the new generations of Palestinians. If you look at them and you see them, they are in their 20s, and they are talking, you know, big things and with big countries. So, yes, we are moving into that direction. You know, we have made it very clear that we are going to accept, and we have taken the decision, to accept the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the 67 borders. To accept a historic compromise that the state of Palestine will be established on the 22% of historic Palestine. So, it’s not only the Palestinian position, it is, you know, the position of almost every country around the world. There is a consensus, international consensus, about the two-state solution. There is an international consensus, that, you know, there should be a Palestinian State, an Israeli State, live together. The Palestinian State will be established on the 67 borders. Well that, you know, Jerusalem is the capital religious state is Jerusalem capital of state of Palestine, with Jerusalem the capital state of Israel. We have also agreed, you know, in principle, that we are ready, during – through negotiations to talk about territorial exchange, territorial swap. But always to keep the 67 borders as the borders of the State of Palestine. So, we are not going to accept anything less than that. If anyone talks about the State of Palestine less than the 67 borders or State of Israel beyond that line, this is not acceptable. Because, you know, it defies not only the Palestinian position, but international law and the international consensus.

Role played by Iran. Look, you know, immediately after the Iranian Revolution, we were able to open our Embassy in Tehran and the Iranian Revolution gave us exactly, you know, the Israeli Embassy, you know, as a gift, you know, to establish the Palestinian Embassy. Of course, you know, during the years, we’ve found so many things inside, you know, that Israeli Embassy, in terms of espionage and all of that. But, anyway, our relationship with Iran has reached a point where we have decided not to go beyond it. Because, you know, we do not believe in any relationship where, you know, a country just, you know, jumps over and tries, really, to interfere and discuss the position of other – the internal affairs of other countries.

Now, the Iranian leaders have said it many times, you know, they said that they’re position about the Palestinian leadership, how we perform, how we react, they were criticising us tremendously, we never really responded. They have decided to support certain, you know, organisations, Palestinian organisations, in particular. This is, you know, their own choice, but of course, we have decided, you know, just to maintain and to keep a certain distance between us and between, you know, the Islamic Republic of Iran, because, you know, we would like, always, to have our own space and that, you know, that, the decision of the Palestinian leadership should not be affected, influenced by any other country, you know, in the neighbourhood or beyond. So, we decided to maintain this kind of relationship with Iran and it seems that, you know, both sides are happy about it.

Adam Ward

From everything that you’ve said, it’s clear that the next few weeks could be decisive in setting the tenure and the direction of diplomacy in the Middle East. We’re very grateful to you…

Dr Riad Malki

Thank you.

Adam Ward

…for coming here to stake out your position, and could you please join me in thanking Dr Malki [applause].