Kenya’s participation at the G7 summit in France on 16-17 June sees it walk a familiar tightrope between international opportunity and domestic political risk. Though Kenya has attended three G7 summits since 2017, its presence this year has been spotlighted by South Africa’s reported exclusion following US pressure.
President William Ruto will see the invite as tacit endorsement of his efforts to present Kenya as a reliable broker between global powers. The G7 summit also follows Kenya’s co-hosting of the Africa–France summit on 11–12 May in Nairobi, framed as the first edition in a non-Francophone country by design – although critics took a more sceptical view.
But Ruto’s international ambitions rest on shaky domestic foundations.
Major anti-government demonstrations in June 2024, which led Ruto to dissolve his cabinet, followed a prolonged inflation crisis and proposed new taxes – but also came just weeks after a state visit to the US which drew criticism for its cost. Recent protests – over a US-backed Ebola quarantine facility on Kenyan soil, and a transport shutdown over rising fuel prices – show how external conditions continue to affect domestic politics.
A purely symbolic Kenyan presence at the G7 would do little to alleviate these pressures. The summit’s headline focus on global economic imbalances, however, is a chance for Kenya to speak out on structural conditions that have constrained its domestic choices.
Global economic imbalances and Kenyan debt
The main theme of this year’s G7 refers to large and persistent disparities in the current account balances – the sum of a country’s trade in goods and services – of major economies. The world’s two largest economic powers feature on opposite sides of this equation: a US current account deficit of 0.9 per cent of global GDP last year contrasting with China’s surplus worth 0.8 per cent.
This G7 focus is particularly timely for Kenya. As a lower middle-income country with a market-facing economy and persistent trade deficits, its experience shows how global imbalances can deepen existing vulnerabilities.
Kenya’s defining weakness in recent years has been its public debt burden, with servicing costs consuming over a third of revenues. As the largest bilateral lender to Kenya, China has attracted much of the blame. But this is not the full story. There has also been a parallel rise in Kenyan borrowing from international commercial markets.
The decade following the 2008 global financial crisis saw Kenya issue its first Eurobonds alongside a rapid surge in Chinese lending to Africa, as global interest rates remained low despite US deficits. In the post-COVID-19 era, however, the US deficit has contributed to higher global interest rates, leading to rising Kenyan borrowing costs and refinancing challenges.
Billions of US dollars in Chinese lending agreed in 2014-15 for a major Kenyan railway project – converted to renminbi in 2025 – were set at floating commercial interest rates that subsequently surged after 2021. In parallel, Kenya’s struggles to secure liquidity for a $2 billion Eurobond repayment due in June 2024 brought a rapid slide in the Kenyan shilling, worsening the fiscal crisis that precipitated major youth-led protests.
Kenyan leaders must shoulder the primary blame for the rapid accumulation of unproductive debt. But indirect exposure to global conditions has made the solutions more painful.
Kenya’s trade imbalances
Alongside its debt stock, China is also Kenya’s largest trade partner and runs a widening trade surplus: 2024 figures show Chinese exports to Kenya were $4.3 billion, against $196 million in imports.
Closing this gap will be difficult for several reasons. One is that deals presented by China as addressing the disparity may ultimately keep it intact. In May, China finalized an interim agreement extending zero-tariff access to 53 African countries. Kenyan agricultural exports are an obvious beneficiary of tariff removal – as the continent’s mineral and energy exports were already tariff-free – but Kenya’s middle-income status meant it had first negotiated a reciprocal agreement to open its market to Chinese imports. A rumoured 10-year timeline for this also compares unfavourably to existing 25-year deals with the EU and UK.
However, more consequential drivers of this trade gap are the structural conditions underpinning China’s global surplus – including weak domestic consumption, industrial subsidies and an undervalued renminbi – which erode the relative competitiveness of Kenyan industry. The US remains a more significant market for Kenyan exports, totalling $662 million in 2024, but its tariffs have introduced significant uncertainty.
The example of a French road project epitomizes how such imbalances constrain Kenya’s economic decisions. In 2019, Kenya signed a $1.5 billion deal with a French consortium to build an upgraded toll highway between central Kenya and Nairobi. Kenya cancelled the contract in 2024 amid rising costs and reports that the French partners declined to take on the risk of potential shortfalls in toll revenues. The contract was instead awarded to Chinese contractors who promised to accept this risk and deliver at a lower price, with labour and materials sourced from China.
This underscores the difficult decisions facing Kenya. On the one hand, Western countries claim that their financing models create fewer dependencies than China, yet a risk-averse private sector was unable or unwilling to deliver at a time of acute vulnerability for Kenya. On the other hand, Chinese firms, with the muscle of state backing, can reduce project cost and fiscal risk – but imported materials and labour add to an already glaring trade deficit.
Kenya’s G7 opportunity
Kenya’s G7 participation is a chance to ensure that summit debates on global imbalances do not neglect a shared responsibility to emerging economies.
An attainable first step following on from the Africa–France summit is to secure expanded G7 commitment to a first-loss guarantee mechanism to help derisk investment. Another more challenging objective will be to ensure that stricter EU trade measures do not disincentivize Chinese investments in African export industries. Kenya must also leverage its Ebola quarantine commitment to extract US concessions, including progress on a trade agreement first proposed in President Trump’s first term.