The UK is hosting the European Political Community (EPC) summit this week at Blenheim Palace.
The EPC was created in 2022 in the aftermath of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine as a way to bring together all 47 European states to discuss shared political and security challenges. To put it more explicitly, it was designed as a way for the UK to remain plugged into European discussions while no longer being a member of the EU.
The grouping is still nascent. It is purposefully designed to be flexible and therefore lacks formal structures. Some have argued it has so far failed to deliver concrete outcomes.
The timing of this month’s summit means a number of key figures may be distracted by a focus on their own political futures. President Emmanuel Macron is dealing with the aftermath of the tumultuous snap election in France, while European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is facing her re-election vote in the European Parliament on the day of the summit with reports suggesting she may not attend.
Nonetheless, the summit is an early opportunity to build in-person relationships between the new UK government and other European leaders. But while it has been difficult for the new UK Labour government to diverge too much from the agenda set by the Conservatives when still in power, ambitions for the EPC should go beyond a chance for Prime Minister Keir Starmer to shake hands and refresh the UK’s image among European counterparts.
All three topics on the summit agenda – migration, defending democracy (with a focus on disinformation), and energy – have been weaponized by Russia to undermine European societies, including dependence on gas supplies being used to disrupt European energy security, the use of migration as a tool of hybrid warfare and Russian networks ramping up disinformation efforts around critical European elections this year.
Enhancing resilience to interference and disinformation
European states have long been aware of the risk of targeted foreign interference, especially following Russia’s 2014 invasion of Crimea which spearheaded the use of fake news sites, bot farms, and other means to push false narratives about its presence there.
But since then a growing number of European initiatives at both state and EU level have encountered some similar challenges. These include how to equip citizens to respond – and whether citizen education or digital literacy initiatives are effective at all – how and to what degree to regulate digital platforms, and how to respond to the fact that domestic actors with diverse motives tend to be a major part of spreading foreign disinformation.
The EU used the second EPC summit in June 2023 to launch its support package for Moldova, partly aimed at drawing the country closer to the EU and bolstering its government in the face of Russian pressure and disinformation. While debates on EU enlargement may be drawn out or stall, a forum like the EPC can provide a way to maintain momentum and provide support for candidate countries at risk of this kind of pressure.
There are countries which have extensive experience in tackling these threats, particularly the Baltic states and Finland. A valuable contribution the EPC can make over time is creating a platform for sharing best practice, to enable European states to compare targeted responses and raise standards across the continent. This could draw on national expertise, as well as the EU’s toolbox to counter foreign interference. While not formally a member or observer of the EPC, the Centre of Excellence on Hybrid Threats, can continue to be a useful resource for EPC members.
Strengthening dialogue on energy security
Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, European states have had to radically recalibrate their energy policies. The UK and the EU took significant steps to manage and diversify their energy supplies. Doing so has involved working with non-EU EPC states including Turkey and Azerbaijan to secure sources of pipeline gas and planning future delivery of renewable energy – bringing its own set of risks and contradictions. While these countries have snubbed past EPC meetings, they should see this as a useful forum for regional cooperation including on energy.
Reducing energy dependency risks and finding ways to work around sanctions on Russian energy imports requires a continent-wide approach that includes countries like Moldova who are on the borders of the EU and vulnerable to Russian pressure on their energy supplies.
While the EU’s approach to energy security involves greater internal integration and investment in its energy market, it is critical to also support non-EU members – including candidate countries – along EU borders who are at risk of Russian pressure but excluded from EU measures.
Considering long-term migration challenges
Irregular migration is high on the political agenda across Europe. While not necessarily a top issue among voters – this is trumped by cost-of-living challenges and crumbling public services – politicians still view it as a key way to hold onto votes.
Third country agreements to address this issue are gaining traction across Europe. Denmark instigated the first third country return agreement and has since tried to duplicate the UK’s now cancelled Rwanda plan (although plans in Denmark have since also been put on hold).
Malta and Italy both have agreements with non-EU countries; to reduce the flow of irregular migration in the former’s case, and extraterritorial agreements in the latter’s case. Countries will be sharing lessons and best practices during the EPC summit, and some may undoubtedly seek to negotiate further bilateral agreements on this while at Blenheim.