Cooperating with China on climate action is a win for the UK – and the planet

Sharing British climate policy know-how could help the world’s largest emitter decarbonize faster. But the UK government must find the political courage to collaborate, writes Chris Aylett.

The World Today Published 10 March 2025 3 minute READ

Chris Aylett

Research Fellow, Environment and Society Centre

After a decade of deteriorating relations, marked by tensions over the ban on Huawei, Hong Kong’s status and allegations of espionage, Britain’s Labour government is seeking a fresh start with China.

The foreign secretary and chancellor travelled to Beijing recently as part of efforts towards ‘serious, stable and pragmatic re-engagement’. An important part of this re-engagement should be increased climate cooperation. China is by far the largest emitter of greenhouse gases, accounting for about 30 per cent globally. It is also the dominant producer and deployer of low-carbon technologies. It may be an inconvenient truth, but no response to climate change will be effective unless China is at the centre of it.

Climate leaders

Ed Miliband, secretary of state for energy security and net zero, is to visit Beijing in March for the sixth UK–China Energy Dialogue. The resumption of these talks after eight years is both symbolic and practical: a sign of the desire of each side to revive their cooperative relationship, and an occasion on which to set the agenda for that cooperation.

Neither country has a perfect record on climate change, but they share highly ambitious goals and a track record of credible action. This alignment provides a strong foundation for increased climate cooperation.

The UK was the first major economy to commit to net zero by 2050, and in February 2025 set an ambitious target for 2035 of reducing emissions by at least 81 per cent below 1990 levels. This follows a reduction to date of more than 50 per cent, as coal was phased out of electricity production and renewables phased in. Reforms to the electricity market and novel policy frameworks such as carbon budgeting made this possible.

In 2020, China committed to reaching ‘carbon neutrality’ by 2060 which, if achieved, would represent the greatest reduction in emissions by any nation ever. The years since have witnessed an extraordinarily rapid rollout of low-carbon technologies. In 2023 and 2024, China installed more solar panels than the rest of the world combined. 

Mutual strengths

Exploiting these mutual strengths could drive down emissions in both countries. This would involve deepening technical and policy exchanges to allow the sharing of knowledge and the most effective strategies.

The speed and scale at which China has deployed transition technologies and infrastructure can offer lessons to the UK as it steps up deployment of wind, solar and electrified transport to meet its decarbonization targets and insulate itself against volatile fossil fuel prices. China has had great success rolling out public electric vehicle (EV) charging points, playing an essential role in the mass adoption of EVs. Insights gained would be valuable to policymakers in Britain’s transport sector, now the UK’s largest source of emissions.

The speed and scale at which China has deployed transition technologies can offer lessons to the UK.

At the same time, British expertise in integrating renewables could help China maximize the reduction of emissions through its large-scale deployment of renewables. Previous exchanges have already had an impact, with China’s new system for renewable energy pricing resembling the UK’s Contract-for-Difference mechanism. Some claim that since Britain now accounts for less than 1 per cent of global emissions, there’s little it can do about climate change. On the contrary, Britain should use  its policy know-how, so others like China can follow its lead.

Pragmatic choices

Pursuing greater UK–China climate cooperation is not without risks. Keir Starmer’s government has faced criticism for its increased emphasis on climate action and its steps towards rapprochement with China.

The new US administration is unlikely to look favourably on closer cooperation between Britain and China, especially on climate change, which Donald Trump has falsely called a Chinese hoax intended to harm US manufacturing. With Trump wielding either the carrot of a trade deal or the stick of tariffs, Britain may find itself under pressure to reflect a harder US line on China. This should not discourage it from working with Beijing. Climate change poses an acute security risk to Britain, and cooperating to reduce China’s emissions – which enjoys considerable support in Britain – could contribute to mitigating this risk.

By exploring relationships with non-traditional allies on an issue-by-issue basis, Britain will be better equipped to navigate a multi-aligned world.

As old alliances fracture, this mode of pragmatic cooperation could also serve as a model. By exploring relationships with non-traditional allies on an issue-by-issue basis, Britain will be better equipped to navigate an increasingly multi-aligned world. Security concerns and starkly different positions on issues such as human rights guarantee a contested relationship. Climate cooperation should therefore be protected in the form of a formal bilateral framework. Activities must be practical and clearly defined.

As Miliband’s visit to Beijing nears, the British government must grasp this opportunity. Resisting domestic and geopolitical pressure to retreat will require political courage. But closer cooperation with China is an essential part of a meaningful British response to the accelerating climate crisis.