Netanyahu’s concepts collapsed, one by one, as Trump piled on pressure: What next for his government?

With the return of hostages, the illusion of ‘total victory’ has passed. Calls for elections in Israel may grow, but Netanyahu will be keen to delay. 

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Published 14 October 2025 — 4 minute READ

Image — President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Knesset on 13 October 2025 in Jerusalem. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

It took nearly two years of war, relentless protests demanding the release of hostages, and one energetic and determined American president to achieve what had seemed unachievable. President Donald Trump secured support from key Arab and Muslim countries, including Qatar and Turkey, and then forced an end to the war on both Israel and Hamas. Within days, the IDF withdrew most of its forces from Gaza and all 20 living Israeli hostages were released from captivity. International leaders then headed to a peace summit in Sharm al-Sheikh.

Netanyahu hadn’t been invited to the Sharm summit until he spoke with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi in Trump’s presence. For a second, Netanyahu actually considered sitting at the same table with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to discuss peace, Gaza’s reconstruction, and what now appears to be the inevitable participation of the Palestinian Authority (PA) in this process (though he ultimately decided against attending). Watching these fast-paced events unfold was as surreal as witnessing Netanyahu’s public apology to Qatari leadership last month with Trump watching carefully. 

The prime minister’s position has changed dramatically. But how likely is it that he loses his grip on power? 

The end of ‘total victory’

Just weeks ago, Netanyahu angrily dismissed anyone who suggested the war should end with a deal, insisting instead on ‘total victory’ the promise he’d made from the first days of the Gaza war. He rejected the idea that Hamas’s disarmament should be deferred to the future, to allow the release of the hostages. He said ‘no’ to any PA involvement in Gaza’s reconstruction. And he insisted on providing only limited humanitarian aid through the Israeli-backed GHF, a failed project that has since been dismantled. 

This deal…contradicts everything Netanyahu has preached for many years.

Those positions helped sustain the support of his far-right coalition partners, including Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir. But they have threatened to quit over Trump’s peace deal and voted against the first stage. The second stage which includes Hamas disarmament, Gaza reconstruction, the PA’s return to Gaza, and a path toward Palestinian sovereignty has not even been voted on yet.

In his recent speech, Netanyahu defended and even praised the deal, claiming Israel had received everything it wanted. That may well be true, but this deal also contradicts everything Netanyahu has preached for many years. Within days, the Rafah crossing between Gaza and Egypt will reopen, secured by Palestinian policemen trained in Egypt, according to Palestinian sources. This represents a de facto return of the PA to Gaza and marks the beginning of reunification between Gaza and the West Bank. 

The uncertain future for Netanyahu

Since the early 2010s, Netanyahu’s strategy has been ‘divide and rule’ preventing any opportunity for negotiations and any prospect of Palestinian statehood. This included weakening the PA in the West Bank while keeping Hamas alive in Gaza. Every single move the pro-settlement policy in the West Bank and the Qatari suitcases of US dollars delivered to Hamas with Israel’s approval served this goal. 

For some time, Netanyahu genuinely believed he could have it all: lucrative peace deals with Arab states while ‘managing the conflict’ with Palestinians. This strategy disintegrated during the 7 October massacres, when 1,200 Israelis, mostly civilians, were slaughtered by Hamas. 

The prolonged war that followed and the acute humanitarian crisis and human tragedy it created in Gaza caused the world to turn away from Netanyahu. Indeed, Saudi officials interviewed by Israeli media in recent days made clear that Saudi Arabia will not join the Abraham Accords as long as Netanyahu remains in power.

Ultimately, Netanyahu decided not to participate in the Sharm al-Sheikh peace summit. Nonetheless, the decisions made there will bind him and his government. His coalition members currently prefer to emphasize only the part of the agreement that returned the hostages. But there is clearly much more at stake, as detailed in Trump’s 21-point plan.

The state of the coalition

It remains to be seen how Netanyahu’s coalition partners will react to unfolding events in Gaza. The PA’s influence looks set to grow. The timeline for Hamas disarmament is delayed and indefinite. And the path to Palestinian statehood is now clearly backed by a decisive majority of the international community. 

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If Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir do not resign over these issues, Netanyahu’s government could still survive for several months: elections are scheduled by law for late 2026. However, demands for a committee to investigate the security failures that led to 7 October will loom over the government, especially since the prime minister confirmed such a committee can only be formed after the war ends. Advancing a conscription bill, in order to ensure that the Ultraorthodox men will not serve in the army, will also pose problems in a country that has just lost 915 soldiers men and women in combat. 

The chances of early elections are significant, though not certain. According to polls, Netanyahu’s Likud party would be unable to form a coalition, even accounting for its recent slight growth in support. 

This means the prime minister may try to delay elections until he believes his chances of winning have improved. Prior to Trump’s visit to Israel, Netanyahu had threatened that Israel would return to fighting to eliminate Hamas, if any terms of the deal were violated. It seems now that even his far right wing partners understand that will be impossible for the time being, in light of Trump’s determination to end the war.

Netanyahu’s policies have collapsed, one by one. But the camp of those who still support them remains significant. Also, there is a lot of uncertainty about what will happen next in the West Bank. It is unclear whether the far-right wing partners of Netanyahu will get a free hand there to expand settlements and build new ones. 

It is also unclear whether the Israeli opposition weak and fragmented will find the courage to call the prime minister’s bluff and offer the nation a different path: one of peace and reconciliation. Only then will the course of Israeli politics, and Israel’s fate, change dramatically away from endless wars and illusions of ‘total victory’, to dialogue, cooperation and peace.