The crown prince’s meeting with Trump has an ambitious agenda. But he will not normalize relations with Israel 

The visit may well result in deals on defence, tech and trade. But Saudi Arabia wants clear momentum towards Palestinian statehood before progressing normalization.

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Published 17 November 2025

Updated 22 December 2025 — 4 minute READ

Image — President Donald Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman attend a signing ceremony on 13 May 2025, in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. (Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images)

Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman makes his much-anticipated state visit to Washington on 18 November. This trip is more than a ceremonial reaffirmation of the longstanding US–Saudi partnership. 

It comes at a critical moment for regional security and the crown prince’s Vision 2030 economic programme, after two turbulent years defined by the Gaza war, and Israel’s widening military operations in Lebanon, its twelve-day June conflict with Iran and the September strikes on Doha

The crown prince is ultimately looking to futureproof the US–Saudi relationship through stronger economic and security agreements. To that end, the trip will see a multitude of agreements on defence guarantees, nuclear cooperation and commercial deals. But gaps will be evident: on regional issues such as Gaza’s governance, normalization prospects with Israel, and broader regional security flashpoints. Human rights, or the Kingdom’s exceeding high rate of executions, will not be on the agenda.  

An assured leader

The kingdom today is wealthier, more confident, and more diplomatically assertive than at any point in its modern history. After years of reputational strain from the 2015 Yemen war and the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, Mohammed bin Salman appears to be politically more assured as the future leader of Saudi Arabia. He has also repositioned the kingdom as the guarantor of broader regional stability. 

The crown prince’s mission in Washington is to translate the US and Saudi’s mutual strategic reliance into a formalized defence and political framework – one that can outlast US electoral cycles.

The crown prince’s mission in Washington is to translate the US and Saudi’s mutual strategic reliance into a formalized defence and political framework – one that can outlast US electoral cycles. At the top of his agenda is a binding defence arrangement – one that signals that any major attack on Saudi territory constitutes a red line for Washington. 

Such an agreement was also under discussion with the previous Biden administration but was never finalized because the administration tied any formal defence treaty to SaudiIsrael normalization and faced major constraints in obtaining Congressional approval.

As part of the deal, the Kingdom is seeking access to top tier defence systems such as the F35 fighter aircraft. Riyadh also wants support for its civilian nuclear ambitions, which would place Saudi nuclear development on an internationally monitored footing and boost its long-term energy diversification plans. 

This issue has proved contentious in the US Congress. Members have expressed concerns that without gold standard safeguards, they would be sceptical of giving nuclear technology to an authoritarian state that has openly expressed interest in matching Iran’s nuclear advancements. It will be important to see how the US president addresses these concerns.  

Vision 2030

Economically, the kingdom wants to deepen the momentum set in motion during President Trump’s visit to Riyadh. The kingdom wants deeper economic and technological ties with the US, especially in artificial intelligence and data technology. 

Saudi Vision 2030 sits at the centre of this push. Saudi Arabia’s widening budget deficit, driven by sustained low oil prices and ambitious domestic spending, has intensified its need to attract substantial foreign direct investment and advance economic diversification away from oil dependency.   

The crown prince sees economic modernization as closely linked to the Kingdom’s national security, and wants US firms to be deeply involved. 

The kingdom has committed more than 21 billion dollars to new data centres and even larger sums to electric vehicles, advanced manufacturing, space exploration, and AI. 

The crown prince sees economic modernization as closely linked to the kingdom’s national security, and wants US firms to be deeply involved in this transformation to further guarantee the longevity of the American relationship. This is also part of a wider Saudi quest for strategic autonomy acquiring the capabilities, technologies, and partnerships that will allow it to shape regional outcomes on its own terms, even as it remains anchored to Washington.

President Donald Trump’s visit to the kingdom in May showed that he and Mohammed bin Salman share a regional vision that champions the possibility of ‘commerce over chaos’ and technological investment over ideological confrontation. 

The US president sees the benefits of a revitalized deal-based strategic partnership with Saudi Arabia as essential to his second term agenda and his broader goals of economic security engagement and building peace in the region through normalization agreements with Israel. 

Gaza

The most complicated issue on the table is Israel, and Gaza. Since the outbreak of the Gaza war, Saudi Arabia no longer views normalization with Israel as inevitable or cost free. 

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The kingdom has stated clearly and repeatedly that it will not sign any agreement with Israel without real movement toward a two-state solution. It has supported the Gaza ceasefire, but it also continues to make clear that it will not fund reconstruction in the strip only for renewed Israeli operations to destroy it again. 

The kingdom recognizes that it holds serious leverage and will not surrender it without a sustainable solution on the longstanding Palestinian issue. 

That position was reaffirmed by Israel’s September attack on Qatar, which has deepened Saudi concerns that Israel, not only Iran, is a source of regional instability. President Trump may well continue to push for normalization as a major objective of his second term. But it is politically impossible for the crown prince for now. 

Beyond Gaza, Riyadh’s concerns in the region stretch from Lebanon to Syria and, of course, to Iran. The crown prince will almost certainly try to leverage his rapport with Trump to push the White House closer to Saudi thinking. 

Syria and Lebanon are now deeply entwined with the post-Gaza security landscape, and Riyadh is eager for Israel to ease its heavy-handed military posture toward both countries. Only then, Saudi officials believe, can Arab states step in to support long-overdue governance reforms whether that means countering Hezbollah’s grip in Lebanon or nudging Damascus toward meaningful change.

On Iran…Riyadh could act as a crucial brake on further escalation and a broker for dialogue. 

On Iran, too, Saudi Arabia sees room to play a quiet but stabilizing role between Washington and Tehran. Even if it’s not on the formal agenda, Riyadh could act as a crucial brake on further escalation and a broker for dialogue. 

During the 12-day war, when the US joined Israel in striking Iranian nuclear facilities, Saudi leaders were alarmed at how quickly the conflict threatened to spill across the region. Although a fragile ceasefire holds for now, Riyadh remains wary that another confrontation could erupt with little warning.

The crown prince’s ambitious agenda underlines just how far Saudi Arabia has come but also showcases how much more the kingdom still hopes to achieve. The real test of the visit lies not in the agreements made, but in navigating the unresolved regional crises that continue to pull at the kingdom’s wider strategy.